Sacra Doctrina: Reason and Revelation in Aquinas

160 Pages·1970·10.52 MB·English

by  Per E. Persson

SACRA
DOCTRINA
REASON AND'REVELATION
IN ;
AQUINAS
.'
by Per Erik Persson
Translated by
ROSS MACKENZIE
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FORTRESS PRESS PHILADELPHIA
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PREFACE TO THE ENGLISH EDITION
A translation of
SACRA DOCTRlNA
En studie till jiirhllllandet mellan ratio Twelve years have passed since this book was published in its
och revelatio i Thomas' av Aquino teolog; Swedish edition. During that time, research on Thomas Aqninas has
(Stndia Theologica Lundensia, No. 15) gone on further. It is a great pleasure for me that the English transla
published by tion now makes my work available also for .students outside the
c. W. K. GLEERUP, Scandinavian language barrier, but I regret that it has not beenpos
Lund, Sweden
sible for me to update my discussion with regard to the publications
1957
in this field during the last ten years. There was, however, no time for
Copyright © in the original Swedish edition the rewriting that would have been necessary. As my primary inten
by c. W. K. GLEERUP, 1957
tion with this study was not to debate with Thomists but to give an
Copyright © in this English translation
introduction to the thought-world of Thomas Aquinas himself, I hope
by FORTRESS PRESS, Philadelphia
and that the book may still be a usefnl tool for those interested in this
BASIL BLACKWELL, Oxford exciting period of the history of Christian theology.
1970 ~
In this connection I would also like to express my sincere thanks to
All rights reserved. No part of this publication the translator, Dr Ross Mackenzie, and to the editors. Without their
\~
may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or interest and laborious efforts, this book would never have come to the
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopyi:qg, recording or otherwise, without ~ reader.
the prior permission of the copyright owner.
Lund, February 1969 PER ERIK PERSSON
Library of Congress Catalog Card No. :
69-12992
. Printed in Great Britain
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CONTENTS
Preface to the English edition v
List of the Blackfriars edition of the SUMMA THEOLOGIAE ix
Abbreviations for the works of Aquinas xii
INTRODUCTION 1
(1) Thomas as M,agister in Sacra Pagina 3
(2) Aim, Subject-matter and Method 12
I REVELATIO AND SACRA DOCTRINA 17
(1) Thomas's Concept of Revelation. Knowledge and Salvation 19
(2) The Co=unication of Revelation 41
(3) Sacra Doctrina and Sacra Scriptura 71
II RATIO AND REVELATIO iN SACRA DOCTRINA 91
(1) The Sovereign God. Causality and the Metaphysics of
Existence 93
(2) God's General Presence in Creation 159
(3) God's Presence in the Righteous. Missio Invisibilis 165
(4) God's Presence in Christ. Missio Visibilis 191
III RATIO AND SACRA DOCTRINA 225
(1) Gratia supponit Naturam 227
(2) Ratio and the Ordo Disciplinae 242
(3) Ratio and Revelatio 267
Abbreviations 298
Bibliography 299
vii
r
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SUMMA THEOLOGIAE
Latin text and English translations,
Introductions, Notes, Appendices
and Glossaries
Blackfriars in conjunction with Eyre & Spottiswoode, London
and McGraw~Hill Book Co. Inc., New York
~
General Editor: Thomas Gilby, D.P.
The following list gives the division of the SUMMA into volumes (some
of the titles being provisional). Those volumes not yet published are
marked with an asterisk.
PRIMA PARS
1 Christian Theology (Ia. 1)
2 Existence and Nature of God (Ia. 2-11)
3 Knowing and Naming God (la. 12-13)
). 4 Knowledge in God (Ia. 14-18)
5 God's Will and Providence (Ia. 19-26)
6 The Trinity (Ia. 27-32)
*7 Father, Son, and Holy Ghost (la. 33-43)
8 Creation, Variety and Evil (Ia. 44-9)
9 Angels (la. 50-64)
10 Cosmogony (la. 65-74)
*11 Man (la. 75-83)
12 Human Intelligence (Ia. 84-9)
13 Man Made to God's Image (la. 90-102)
I> *14 Divine Government (la. 103-9)
*15 The World Order (Ia. 110-19)
PRIMA SECUND.iE
16 Purpose and Happiness (la-2ae. 1-5)·
*17 Human Acts (Ia-2ae. 6-17)
18 Principles of Morality (la-2ae. 1&-21)
ix
i'
x Summa Theologiae Summa Theologiae xi
19 The Emotions (la-2ae. 22-30) 54 The Passion of Christ (3a. 46-52)
*20 Pleasure (la-2ae. 31-9) *55 The Resurrection of the Lord (3a. 53-9)
21 Fear and Anger (la-2ae. 40-8) 1· *56 The Sacraments (3a. 60-5)
22 Dispositions (la-2ae. 49-54) *57 Baptism and Confirmation (3a. 66-72)
23 Virtues (la-2ae. 55-67) 58 The Eucharistic Presence (3a. 73-8)
*24 Gifts and Beatitudes (la-2ae. 68-70) *59 Holy Communion (3a. 79-83)
25 Sin (la-2ae. 71-80) 60 The Sacrament of Penance (3a. 84-90)
26 Original Sin (la-2ae. 81-5)
*27 Effects of Sin (la-2ae. 86-9)
28 Law and Political Theory (la-2ae. 90-7)
29 The Old Law (la-2ae. 98-105)
*30 The Gospel of Grace (la-2ae. 106-14)
..
SECUNDA SECUND..E
*31 Faith (2a-2ae. 1-7)
*32 Consequences of Faith (2a-2ae. 8-16)
33 Hope (2a-2ae. 17-22)
*34 Charity (2a-2ae. 23-33)
*35 Consequences of Charity (2a-2ae. 34-46)
*36 Prudence (2a-2ae. 47-56)
*37 Justice (2a-2ae. 57-62)
*38 Injustice (2a-2ae. 63-79)
39 Religion and Worship (2a-2ae. 80-91) '}
40 Superstition and Irreverence (2a-2ae. 92-100)
*41 The Social Virtues (2a-2ae. 101-22)
42 Courage (2a-2ae. 123-40)
43 Temperance (2a-2ae. 141-54)
*44 Parts of Temperance (2a-2ae. 155-70)
*45 Prophecy and other Charisms (2a-2a:e. 171-8)
46 Action and Contemplation (2a-2ae. 179-82)
*47 The Pastoral and Religious Lives (2a-2ae. 183-9)
TERTIA PARS
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*48 The Incarnate Word (3a. 1-6)
*49 The Grace of Christ (3a. 7-15)
50 The One Mediator (3a. 16-26)
51' Our Lady (3a. 27-30)
*52 The Childhood of Christ (3a. 31-7)
*53 The Life of Christ (3a. 38-45)
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ABBREVIATIONS INTRO D UCTION
Abbreviations for the works of Thomas are as follows:
Summa theologiae, without title: la=Pars Prima: la2ae=Pars Prima
Secundae; 2a2ae=Pars Secunda Secundae; 3a=Pars Tertia;
Supp!. =Supplementum. Part, question, article and reply are given
as follows: e.g. la, 3, 2, ad 3 =Pars Prima, question 3, article 2,
reply 3. .
,~
CG=Summa contra gentiles. Book, chapter; e.g. CG II, 12.
Sent. =Scriptum super libros sententiarum Magistri Petri Lombardi.
Book, distinction, question, article, solution and reply; e.g. III
Sent. 25, 2, 3, ii, ad 3.
Comp end. Theol. = Compendium Theologiae.
De Ver. = Quaestiones disputatae de veritate. Question, article; e.g.
De Ver. 14, II.
De Pot. = Quaestiones disputatae de potentia. Question, article; e.g.
De Pot. 7, 3.
In De Trin. =In librum Boethii de Trinitate. Question, article; e.g.
'1'
. In De Trin. 2, 3.
Quodl. = Quaestiones quodlibetales. Quodlibetum septimum, article; e.g.
Quodl. 7, 14.
In symb. Apost.=In symbolum Apostolorum expositio. Article; e.g.
In symb. Apost. 9.
In De div. nom. =In librum Dionysii De divinis nominibus. ~
Contra Graec., Arm. et Sarac. =Declaratio quorundam articulorum
contra Graecos, Armenos et Saracenos.
Commentaries on scripture are given as follows: e.g. In Joan. =
Commentary on John; Epistles of Paul, e.g. In ad Rom.=
Commentary on the Epistle of Paul to the Romans. Chapter, ,~
verse, paragraph as required; e.g. In 2 ad Cor. 2, I (455).
Other frequently used abbreviations are as follows:
p. =page, pages
col. =column, columns
xii
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1
THOMAS AS MAGISTER IN SACRA PAGINA
The period known as high scholasticism has traditionally been
associated with the revival of philosophy which followed the
rediscovery of Aristotle, whose work was mediated to the Middle
Ages through Arabic and Jewish philosophy. The importance which
the Roman Catholic Church in particular attaches to the study of
scholasticism is demonstrated from the end of the nineteenth century .
onwards in what is called neo-scholasticism and more especially in
neo-Thomism. This study has given us a great many scholarly works
by which our knowledge of the scholastic period has been enriched.
It has also given us a wholly new insight into the crucial disputes of a
period in the history of thought which has not hitherto received
sufficient attention. Above all, of course, it has brought Thomas
Aquinas into the centre of scholarly research. 1
This renaissance of scholastic thought among Roman Catholic
theologians is to some extent paralleled among Protestant theo
logians, for instance in the corresponding revival of Luther studies.
While, however, Luther studies have moved in a recognisably
theological direction, neo-scholasticism has been markedly pre
occupied with philosophical questions. Thus the concepts of Thomas
2
have very often been expressed in neo-Thomism as an alternative
position in a continuing philosophical debate. But this has meant
that the historical study of Thomas has often been determined by
1 For a summary of neo-Thomist literature see P. Mandonnet and J. Destrez,
Bibliographie tho.miste (Bibliotheque thomiste 1), Kain 1921; V. J. Bourke,
Thomistic Bibliography 1920-1940, St. Louis 1945; P. Wyser, Thomas von Aguin
(Bibliographische Einftihrungen in das Studium der Philosophie 13/14), Bern
1950, and the same author's Der Thomismus (Bibliographische Einftihrungen in das
Studimn der Philosophie 15/16), Bern 1951.
• While neo-Scholasticism has concentrated on questions of philosophy and the
philosophy of religion, in modern Roman Catholic theology historical research has
had a purely theological character and has focussed rather on patristic studies,
biblical theology and the history of liturgy. On the significance of this return
to pre-Scholastic sources see R. Aubert, La theologie catholique au milieu du XXe
sleele, Tournai-Paris 1954.
3
4 Thomas as Magister in Sacra Pagina Thomas as Magister in Sacra Pagina 5
modern questions which are unrelated to the content ofh is philosophy, In this connection, the name of the order of the Dominicans, Ordo
and this at times has impeded the purely historical study of his world praedicatorum,is significant. B. Smalley has shown us in her remark
of thought. able study The Bible in the Middle Ages how this renewal also had
The assumption that his basic philosophicaii concepts represent a its effect on the woIiJk of theologians, both in the seclusion of the
philosophia perennis valid for all time has obscured the fact that cloister and in the uitiversities also. 5 Hence we find in this period not
Thomas, like all major thinkers of high scholasticism, was primarily only an intensified study of the Latin Bible in order to produce a
a theologian and must therefore be understood as such. Any study of more accurate text,' and the appearance of translations into the
Thomas will become one-sided, and in the last resort misleading, if vernacular for the purposes of evangelism,7 but a deepened and
we simply take our point of departure in the characteristic interest productive study also of the content of the Bible.8 The study of the
shown by the high Middle Ages in Greek philosophy and above all in holy scriptures which was previously undertaken in the solitude of the
Aristotelianism. Thomas did indeed write commentaries on the cloister or in the closed circle of the monastic community became
writings of Aristotle, but he never thought of this as his primary task. part of the open and public studium generale of the univer.sity, with
It is significant that he himself never provided the kind of compre its teeming intellectual life. • The object of this study was no longer
hensive wscussion of his 'philosophy' which we can find in the private edification but the acquisition of knowledge, as in the case
writings of the neo-Thomists. of every other subject studied. As a consequence theological study
, The explanation of this is that within the thought of high scholasti began to move in a wholly new direction along the lines laid down by
cism, and therefore of Thomas as well, two movements are to be the religious movements and mendicant orders referred to above.
discerned-first a re-orientation in philosophy, and also (a frequently It is no accident that these are the orders which took the lead in the
neglected factor) a renewal of the study of the Bible. Recent stuwes theological faculties and supplied the teachers who drew around
have focussed our attention still more Closely on the 'return to the themselves throngs of students. This is particularly true of the
gospel' which is to be found throughout the whole church from University of Paris,1O where in the middle of the thirteenth century
3
the middle of the twelfth century onwards. H. Grundmann has given the leading figures are a Dominican, Thomas, and a Franciscan,
us a lively and well-documented picture of the religious movements Bonaventure. It was in this way, as M.-D. Chenu has shown, that a
of the period in the church in the West, and indeed has shown us direct connection was established between those earlier, biblically
precisely how the study of the Bible inspired these differing attempts inspired attempts to renew the church and theological studies at the
to reform the life of the church and to restore the 'evangelical' university.l1 One particular example of this is the dominant place
pattern of life.' This is true in particular of the mendicant preaChers
, B. SmaUey, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Oxford 1941.
who are found throughout the church, and of the wsciple bands
6 See in this connection H. Denifie, 'Die Handschriften der Bibel-Correctorien
who gathered around them in an attempt to realise the ideal of des 13. lahrhunderts', in Archiv fur Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittel
'apostolic' poverty. We know from a study of church history how alters (~ALKMA) 4 (1888), p. 263ff. and C. Spicq, Esquisse d'une historie de
rexegese latine au moyen age (Bibliotheque thomiste 26), Paris 1944, p. 165ff.
these biblically inspired movements were at first misunderstood and
7 Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 241. .
rejected by the leaders of the church, and to begin with were totally 8 See Smalley's conclusion in her work cited above; 'The twelfth century re
excluded from the fellowship of the church as were, for instance, the discovered biblical scholarship; the thirteenth rediscovered exegesis', Study, p. 266f.
Waldensians. Later the need for renewal was recognised, however, 9 H. Denifie, Die Entstehung. der Universitliten des Miltelalters his 1400, vol. I,
Berlin 1885, has a good introduction to the problems connected with the groWth
and the newly constituted mendicant orders, adopted the aims and of the universities. On the term studiumgenerale see especially p. Iff.
fulfilled the purposes of the 'revival movements' within the church. 10 See also especially F. X. Seppelt, Der Kampf der Bettelorden an der Universiliit
Paris in der Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen 3),
Breslau 1905, p. 199ff.
3 The term is from M.~D. Chenu, Toward Understanding Saint Thomas, Chicago 11 Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 44ft'. and 234ff. See especially p. 242: 'It is the re
1964, p. 44. awakening to the Gospel, however, that comes first in theology'S development ...
, H. Grundmann, Religiose Bewegungen 1m MUte/alter (Historische Studien 267), It is no chance happening if the XIIIth century leaders of t~e theological enterprise
Berlin 1935. are recruited from among the sons of the evangelicals of the ~eginning of the
B
M
Thomas as Magister in Sacra Pagina 7
6 Thomas as Magister in Sacra Pagina
In 1256 Thomas was promoted to magister, 'Yhich means that once
given to the Bible in the teaching of the university. The significance
again he concentrated in his teaching on the exposition of the Bible.
of this will become clearer if we study briefly Thomas's own work-as
While he would assign the more elementary instruction in the Bible
a teacher. and the exposition of Lombard to his two assistant instructors, .the
In 1252, having completed his basic study of philosophy and
baccalaureus biblicus and baccalaureus sententiarum, the latter having
theology first at Paris and afterwards at Cologne under the direction
the higher position, still the special responsibility of the professor was
of Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas returned to Paris to prepare
to study the books of the Bible at a deeper level. According to the
for his examination as magister. His first responsibility as baccalaureus
Parisian system of instruction, which all other centres of learning
biblicus was to work through the books of the Bible secundum modum
were qnick to follow, the teaching of the magister ordinarily consisted
paristensem (according to the manner of Paris). This was a pedagogi
in required lectures on selected books of the Bible." The central
cal method which spread from Paris to other universities and con
position accorded to the Bible as a text-book for higher theological
sisted in a brief but detailed survey of the books of the Bible with the·
instruction is also expressed in the official title conferred on the
help of glosses and parallel texts." For the students of divinity this
professor of divinity at his promotion-doctor or magister in sacra
was their first experience of theological instruction and it attempted
pagina, i.e. teacher of holy scripture." The first hours of the morning
to provide an elementary but basic knowledge both of the biblical text
were set aside for this biblical exegesis, from the point of view of
itself and of its subject-matter. The whole of the Bible was surveyed
in this way in daily lectures over a period of three years. After working 14 Mandonnet in RT 33 (1928), p. 35: 'Au XIIe siecle et pendant les deux siecles
suivants ... dans toutes les ecoles de theologie, grandes ou petites, celui qui en a
as a biblicus for two years Thomas was promoted to baccalaureus la direction, SOllS Ie nom d~ maitre, docteur, regent ou lecteur, a pour mission
sententtarum in 1254, which meant that he had now to expound the premiere et essentielle de lire et interpreter Ie texte de la sainte Ecriture'.
four books of Peter Lombard's Sentences. This collection of dogmatic Iii On the term magister in sacra pog ina. sj!e J. de GhelIinck, . "Pagina" et "Sacra
Pagina". Histoire d'un mot et transformation de l'objet primitivement designC'.
teachings had slowly grown in popularity after being explicitly in Melanges Auguste Pelzer, (=MAP) ,(Universite de Louvain. Recueil de travaux
recommended by the Lateran Council in 1215, and from about 1230 d'histoire et de philologie, Ser. 3:26, Louvain 1947) p. 23ff. This title was preserved
longest in conservative England but elsewhere had usually been replaced in the
it was universally accepted as the official text-book for theological
thirteenth century by what was regarded as a synonymous term, magister in
instruction-a position which it retained throughout the Middle thealogia. This in no way altered the fact, however, that the mai~ task of the
Ages. Thomas spent two years working through the text, and to this magister was and continued to be biblical exegesis; see particularly the discussion
in H. Denifte which he documents with printed and manuscript material. 'Quel
period is to be dated the greater part of his Commentary on the
livre servait de base A l'enseignement des maitres en theologie dans l'univers~te de
Sentences (some of it was clearly revised later by Thomas himself). Paris?' in RT2 (1894), p. 149ff. See also H. Felder, Gesch~chte der wissenschaftlichen
This, the most notable of his early writings to survive, proved that Studien im Franziskanerorden his u~ die Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts, Freiberg im
Breisgau 1904, p. 495, and Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 47, 'The magister in theologia ...
Thomas at 30 was a theologian of more than ordinary capabilities.'"
still remained a magister in sacra pagina'. It, may be of interest to note in this
century-the -Minors and the Preachers-and not in the old corporations'. See the connection that the order of studies followed at Paris was essentially that followed
same author's 'Evangelisme et theologie au XIIIe siecle', in Melanges oJ/erts au in Germany, and that therefore Martin Luther in his own theological education
R. P. Ferdinand Cavallera (~MFC), Toulouse 1948, p. 339ff. and teaching at the beginning of the sixteenth century followed the same course as
Thomas in the thirteenth. Cf., O. Scheel, Martin Luther. Yom' Katholizismus zur
12 Nothing of Thomas's teaching survived from this period except the inaugura1 ReformationvoI. II, Tiibingen 1917, p. 71: 'Die Pariser Fakultat war das Vorbild.
course rediscovered at the beginning of the twentieth century; see Chenu, Saint Dort hatte das theologische Studium mit den-kursorischen Vorlesungen tiber die
Thomas, p. 243. For a detailed treatment of this and his other theological courses Schrift begonnen. war zu, den yorlesungen tiber das dogmatische Lehrbuch des
see especially, in addition to Chenu. the disCussion in P. Mandonnet, 'Chronologie Lombarden, des 'Meisters der Sentenzen', fortgeschritten und hatte mit den den
des 6crits scripturaires de saint Thomas d'Aquin' in Revue thomiste (=RT) 33 Doktoren der Theologie vorbehaltenen ausftihrlichen exegetischen Vorlesungen
(1928) and 34 (1929), an essay which contains much more than the title seems to tiber die Schrift geendigt. Die deutschen UniversWiten tibernahmen diese Ordnung'.
indicate. There is a good summary in J. van der Ploeg. 'The place of Holy Scripture After his early education at Erfurt Luther became biblicus at Wittenberg in 1509
in the theology of St. Thomas' in The Thornist, 10 (1947), p. 404ff. and immediately afterwards sententiarius in Erfurt, after which he was promoted to
IS See also Chenu. Saint Thomas, p. 264ft'. The Commentary on the Sentences magister in Wittenberg in 1512 with the duty of lecturing on the Bible, a responsi
provided Thomas's companion and amanuensis, Reginald of Piperno, with the text bility which he exercised for more than thirty years as Doctor der Heiligen Schrift.
of th~ Supplementum with which he completed the Summa theologiae after his See, e.g., Scheel, Luther,vol. II, p. 59ff., 21Off. and 309ff.
master's death.
8 Thomas as Magister in Sacra Pagina Thomas as Magister in Sacra Pagina 9
study the best period of the day." Books of the New and Old Testa shown by Thomas for this form of teaching is indicated in the series
ments by turns were studied in detail, and commentaries (Expositiones) of Quaestiones disputatae, which by reason of their full discussion of
on Isaiah, Jeremiah, Lamentations, Job, Romans, and I Corinthians the problem are often of considerable value in determining Thomas's
1-7 and 14, still survive in his own handwriting from the required meaning in other places where he expresses himself in a more
course of lectures offered by Thomas. His lectures (Lecturae) on the concise manner.22 These disputations are of especial interest to us
Psalter (Ps. 1-54), the Gospels of Matthew and John, I Corinthians, since they provided Thomas with a model when he came to plan his
11-16, the remaining Pauline epistles and Hebrews, survive in the major work of systematic theology, the Summa theologiae.22 In this,
faithful transcript of his own secretary or of those who attended his just as in the Quaestiones disputatae, a series of articuli are appended
course." There are hardly any noticeable differences between an to quaestiones. These articles are all set down in essentially the same
expositio and a lectura, which indicates that the Lecturae also faith-_ way: a series <if objections is raised against a proposition, after which
fully reproduce what Thomas actually said." the proposition is clearly stated and then each objection taken up in
This study of the biblical text gave rise to what is perhaps the most turn and shown to have no real basis. Thomas began his Summa"
characteristic form of instruction in the Middle Ages, and the form about the year 1267 to take the place of a projected and partially com
preferred by Thomas himself, namely, the disputation." In expound" pleted revision of the earlier Commentary on the Sentences. It was
ing a difficult or disputed passage the master could take up a special intended to take the place of Lombard's Sentences as an elementary
problem for fuller and deeper examination and so pose a quaestio introduction to dogmatics for divinity students. The work, however,
within the course of his commentary, often indicating it with a was cut short by Thomas's death in 1274 before he succeeded in finish
formula like, Hic oritur quaestio . .. , Potest aliquis quaerere . .. (the ing.25 The Summa stands by itself in scholastic literature by reason of
question arises here ... , the question may -be raised· ...) etc.2• its strictly developed concepts and clarity of exposition, and conse
But such a quaestio could also be separated from the ordinary lectio qnently it is still the primary source of all research in the thought of
and be discussed at a special time in the presence of all or the larger Thomas both as regards his theology and his philosophical views. It
part of the faculty. This is the disputation proper.21 The preference was not intended~any more than the Sentences were-to take the
place of the Bible as the basic text-book of theological study. It was
" See Mandonnet, RT 33 (1928), p. 35, van der Ploeg, Thornist 10 (1947), p. 405.
not an end in itself but was designed, as we hope to show later, to be
17 cr. C. Spicq's article on 'Saint Thomas d'Aquin exegete', in Dictionnaire, de
thi%gie catholique (~DTC) 15:1, Paris 1946, col. 694-738: 'La plupart des grands used in elucidating the meaning ofthe biblical writings. M.-D. Chenu
commentaires bibliques du XIIe siecle, en effet, ne sont pas au,tre, chose que la seems to have understood Thomas's own intention correctly when he
redaction des cours officiels des maitres en theologie durant leur carriere universitaire' .
says of the Summa: 'Its most perfect rational structures are never an
See also the same author's Esquisse, p. 142. On Thomas' biblical commentaries see
especially Mandonnet, RT 34 (1928), and 35 (1929), where the chronological end, but a means to arrive at abetter knowledge of the Word of God'. 26
problem is discussed in detail. There is a general survey iIi Spicq. Esquisse~ p.
298ft". and Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 233ft'. . ~2 Proof of Thomas's energetic activity in the conduct of disputations is provided
18 Van der Ploeg, Thomist 10 (1947), p. 401, concludes from this that Thomas must by the fact that there are 510 of them extant, collected under the titles, De veritate,
have read his lectures slowly and clearly or simply dictated them. De potentia, De malo, De spiritualibus creaturis, De anima, De virtutibus, and
19 While it was normal at an earlier period for a magister at the University of Paris De unione Verbi incarnati. Each articulus in these collections represents the con
to lead disputations only a few-times a year, Thomas departed from this custom by cluding summary of a disputation.
holding as many as two disputations a week, see Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 281. 22 We prefer this title to the frequently used Summa theologica, since the latter
.. See e.g. In Joan. I, 14 (5); 3, I (4); 6,4 (7); 6, 5 (3). appears to be a comparatively modern form without any historical basis. See P. A.
21 Two days were generally required for a disputation. On the first the master's Walz, 'Degenuino titulo "Summa theologiae"', in Angelictlm 18 (1941), p. 142ff.
baccalaureus or assistant lecturer acted as 'respondent'. The magister himself 24 On the term summa see the historical surveys in M. Grabmann, Die Geschichte
then discussed the objections which had been raised on his next lecture day and der scholastischen Methode, Freiburg im Breisgau 1911, vol. II p, 23ft'., and Chenu,
answered them in a determinatio magistralis. See P. Mandonnet, 'Chronologie des Saint Thomas, p. 298ff.
questions disputees de saint Thomas d'Aquin', in RT 23 (1918), p. 266ft'. and 2l'i Thomas's work was ended by his death at the point where he came to deal with
Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 88ff. and 280ff. Cf. also van der Ploeg, Thornis/ 10 (1947), the sacrament of penance, 3a, 90, 4. On the Supplementum which followed the
p. 403: 'The disputations arose from the questions or difficulties put to a master· on Summa in all later editions~ see footnote 13 above.
the occasion of a lecture on a special text of Scripture'. 28 Chenu, Saint Thomas, p. 322. Cf. van der Ploeg, "Thomist 10 (1947). p. 404, "on