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Russian Politics and Presidential Power Transformational Leadership from Gorbachev to Putin PDF

313 Pages·2016·1.86 MB·English
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Russian Politics and Presidential Power For Knox Eric Ogden SAGE was founded in 1965 by Sara Miller McCune to support the dissemination of usable knowledge by publishing innovative and high-quality research and teaching content. Today, we publish over 900 journals, including those of more than 400 learned societies, more than 800 new books per year, and a growing range of library products including archives, data, case studies, reports, and video. SAGE remains majority-owned by our founder, and after Sara’s lifetime will become owned by a charitable trust that secures our continued independence. Los Angeles | London | New Delhi | Singapore | Washington DC | Melbourne Russian Politics and Presidential Power Transformational Leadership from Gorbachev to Putin Donald R. Kelley FOR INFORMATION: Copyright  2017 by CQ Press, an Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc. CQ Press is a registered trademark of Congressional Quarterly Inc. CQ Press An Imprint of SAGE Publications, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or 2455 Teller Road utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, Thousand Oaks, California 91320 including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage E-mail: Contents Preface ix Acknowledgments xi About the Author xiii Chapter 1: Executive Power in Russian Politics 1 What Does Executive Leadership Mean in the Russian Context? 3 Authoritarian Modernizers: The Prototype 3 Characteristics of Authoritarian Modernizers 7 What Can We Learn from Past “Executives”? 12 Earlier Authoritarian Modernizers 12 The Brezhnev Era: The Long Calm before the Storm 19 The Uncertain Interregnum: Andropov and Chernenko 21 Chapter 2: The Gorbachev Presidency 25 The Starting Point: What Gorbachev Intended 26 Gorbachev’s Rise to Power 28 From General Secretary to President 31 The Reform Agenda: Politics and Policy 32 Glasnost 3 The Economy: Perestroika 33 Judicial Reform 35 Foreign Policy 36 Political Reform: Democratization 40 Democratization of the Communist Party 41 The Gorbachev Presidency 43 The Presidency of the Russian Federation 45 The Battle of the Presidents 46 Gorbachev as an Authoritarian Modernizer 51 Chapter 3: The Yeltsin Presidency, 1991–1993 55 Yeltsin’s Path to Moscow 55 From Outcast to President 59 The President Becomes a President 61 A Real President Gets a Real Nation 64 Personal Rivalries 65 Economic Reforms as a Political Issue 66 Yeltsin’s Economic Reforms: Phase I (1991–1993) 68 The Reform of the Party-State 69 National Identity and the Union Treaty 70 Judicial Reform 73 The President and the Legislature 74 Foreign Policy 81 Yeltsin as an Authoritarian Modernizer: A Preliminary Assessment 83 Chapter 4: Yeltsin and Russia Reborn 87 The Presidency and the Legislature 91 Judicial Reform 95 The 1993 Duma Elections 96 The 1995 Duma Elections 99 The 1996 Presidential Election 102 The Second Term: From Victory to Resignation 105 Yeltsin’s Economic Reforms: Phase II (1994-1999) 109 Foreign Policy 111 The First Chechen War 113 The December 1999 Duma Elections 114 Yeltsin’s Surprise Resignation 117 Yeltsin as an Authoritarian Modernizer: A Final Assessment 118 Chapter 5: Putin I, 2000–2008 121 The 2000 Presidential Election 122 Vladimir Putin: From Spy Novels to the Kremlin 123 The Putin Formula 125 The Putin Presidency Emerges from Yeltsin’s Shadow 134 Outside the Garden Ring: “Managing” the New Democracy 140 The Presidency and the Legislature: The 2003 Duma Elections 141 Judicial Reform 142 The 2004 Presidential Election 143 The Rules and the Game Change 145 The Run-Up to the 2008 Presidential Election 146 The 2007 Duma Elections 148 Putin’s Economic Reforms 150 Foreign Policy 152 The Second Chechen War 154 The 2008 Presidential Election 155 Putin as an Authoritarian Modernizer 157 Chapter 6: The “Tandem” 163 Dmitry Medvedev: Putin’s Friend from Leningrad 166 Governing the Nation in Tandem 168 Medvedev and Putin in Tandem 172 Factional Realities 173 Medvedev and Economic Reform 174 Medvedev and Political Modernization 177 Judicial Reform 180 Foreign Policy 181 The Russian-Georgian War 184 Medvedev and the Legislature: The 2011 Duma Elections 186 The Duma Election and Voting Fraud 188 The 2012 Presidential Election 190 Election Results 197 Medvedev as an Authoritarian Modernizer 198 Chapter 7: Putin II, 2012– 203 The “New” Cabinet 204 Putin II: Old and New Realities 205 Maintaining the Balance within the Garden Ring 206 Controlling the Opposition 208 The Economy: Prosperity and Modernity 209 Foreign Policy 212 Crimea and Ukraine 214 Russian Foreign Policy and the World 220 The Three Arenas of Russian Politics 222 Inside the Garden Ring: Factional Politics in Putin II 222 A Note on the Siloviki 228 Outside the Garden Ring: Politics in the Rest of the Russian Federation 230 The Authoritarian Modernizer Revisited 231 The Legal System and the Courts 233 Connecting Those Inside and Outside the Garden Ring 235 Political Parties 236 Civil Society 239 Control of the Media 240 The Leadership Cult as a Connection 241 Putin as an Authoritarian Modernizer 242 Chapter 8: The Future(s) of Russian Politics 251 The Future of the Russian Presidency(ies) 252 What Will Drive Change? 256 Changes in the Nature of Factional Politics 257 Changes in the Nature of Electoral Politics at the National, Regional, and Local Levels 263 Politics Moves to the Street: A Color Revolution or Moscow Spring 276 What Is a Color Revolution? 277 A Russian Color Revolution? 279 Index 285 Preface hen Mikhail Gorbachev became general secretary of the Com- Wmunist Party, all of us who studied the Soviet Union knew that change was coming. The Brezhnev + 2 era was over; it had lasted for twenty-o ne years, and it had its good points and bad. But now change would come, because that’s what new leaders do. But our conventional wisdom told us that it would be gradual and probably not fundamentally change the course of the nation. We were wrong. Change came, slowly at first and then with increasing speed. Reforms become revolutions, and eventually revolutions play out and somebody picks up the pieces. Trying to understand that trajectory in the broader context of Russian history is the point of this book. Revolutions and reconstructions do not occur in isolation. Both play out in the context of a nation’s history. You cannot escape that past; it shapes revolutions and the new order that emerges. But you also cannot escape your notion of the future, especially if much of your history has been about willing a new and better future into existence. That’s where authoritarian modernizers come in. They are transforma- tional leaders who set out to build that future, always rejecting at least some portion of the past and sometimes reinterpreting the works of past mod- ernizers whose ideas had misdirected the nation. The premise of this book is that this perspective is helpful in understanding both the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the nature and modus operandi of the Russian Federation that rose in its place. It doesn’t explain everything, of course; culture, formal institutions, and the serendipitous interplay of a hundred other variables of time and place and circumstance all play a role. But it is a place to begin, one that provides a link between the past and the future and that helps in understanding the present. There is remarkably little theoretical literature about the phenomenon of authoritarian modernizers in the conventional literature in history, ix

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