Rotter, Marcel: "Are You 100% American: German Americans as Targets of Government ...

22 Pages·2012·5.69 MB·English

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“Are you 100% AmericAn?”
GermAn AmericAns As TArGeTs of GovernmenT
ProPAGAndA
W
hile the term propagan- “justice,” or “peace” yet further
da sounds very negative their own, less obvious personal or
today, it is a fact that political agenda. Of course, there
any government, state, or political are always times when propagan-
party must communicate with the dists resort to outright lies, but the
people if it wants to win their sup- germ of truth in an exaggerated
port. This is especially true in claim can provide a ring of sincer-
democratic societies, but it also ity which broadens the appeal of
applies to “closed societies,” be the message.1
they absolute monarchies or dicta-
Until recently, scholarship on
torships. Whether it is dubbed
the propaganda employed by the
public relations, spin, agitation, or
United States during World War I
propaganda, at its core the effort to
has largely reaffirmed the notion
engage the public for a certain
that government-spon sored Ame -
cause is an integral part of both the
ri can propaganda united the nation
political process and the process
in support of the war.2 Yet, as
of governing. The various meth-
Frank Trommler has recently
ods of enlisting public support
shown, the idea has little basis in
vary widely. Propaganda, to settle
fact. Some groups of society, the
on a single word for a diverse ar -
largest of which were German-
ray of very different approaches to
Americans, were clearly ostra-
com munication, can be subtle or
cized. Trommler notes that a “dis-
overt, misleading or frank, coer-
cussion of this exclusion did not
cive or persuasive. Interestingly,
materialize where it belonged:
the historical record, especially in
the twentieth century, indicates within the national discourse
that propaganda is most effective about the achievements and blun-
when it is based on truth. Yet prop- ders of America’s mobilization in
aganda which is grounded in fact World War I”.3 The vilification of
need not be presented in an entire- certain groups as the “enemy with-
ly objective fashion. By highlight- in” was, of course, not new to the
ing certain aspects of an issue and United States and continued later
downplaying others, propagan- with the Red Scare of the 1920s
dists can claim to fight for broadly and 1940s as well as with attacks
accepted goals such as “freedom,” both physical and psychological
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“AREYOU 100% AMERICAN?”
against American Muslims after early in the war to influence
September, 11, 2001. worldwide public opinion, partic-
The discussion which follows ularly in neutral countries with an
here seeks to augment the dis- anti-British history, such as
course on the use of propaganda Ireland and the United States. It
by the United States during the injected positive stories about
First World War by analyzing the Germany into the press through
specific methods used by Ameri - strawmen, sent out brochures, and
can propaganda agencies like the subsidized movie screenings
Committee on Public Information through its German Infor mation
towards German-Americans, es - Service.
pecially with visual media such as In the United States, German-
posters, leaflets, and advertise- Americans were the largest immi-
ment. Inte resting ly, the campaign grant group. As immigrants often
against German-Americans pro- do, Germans had maintained their
ceeded on two diametrically traditions after taking up residence
opposed fronts. On the one hand, in the United States. Moreover,
German-Americans were por- unlike the wave of immigration
trayed as the henchmen of the
from German-speaking territories
German Imperial government,
after 1848, which brought a large
enemies to all “true” Americans.
number of disillusioned political
On the other hand, the propaganda
refugees and failed revolutionaries
effort sought to persuade German-
to North America, later immi-
Americans to prove their alle-
grants were not only much more
giance to the second part of their
numerous but generally much
“hyphenated” identity by buying
more positively inclined toward
war bonds, thus proving them-
the political system they had left
selves good citizens of the United
behind. In fact, the German unifi-
States rather than lackeys of the
cation of 1871 caused a surge in
“Kaiser.”
patriotic feelings, not only among
The Background Germans but also among Ger man-
Americans.
When war broke out in Europe in
1914, the United States remained By the eve of the First World
neutral. Concerned about its image War, German-Americans consti-
in the international community, tuted a sizable proportion of the
Germany began using propaganda population in the United States.
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They were well assimilated, usual- Although the American gov-
ly materially successful if not ernment was officially neutral,
affluent, and frequently outspoken public opinion was biased against
recent immigrants, including
in their feelings that the United
German-Ameri cans. As Mary-
States should be supportive of the
Beth Mathews points out, the
German Empire or, at the least,
establishment in the United States
remain neutral in the war in
(Anglo-Saxon, Puritan, East
Europe. Some saw themselves as a
Coast, White) was suspicious of
counterweight to the Anglo-Saxon immigrants from eastern Europe
influence on the United States’ and Italy who, they suspected, did
position in the war. Publications not measure up to their high stan-
such as George Sylvester dards of work ethic and restrained
Viereck’s The Fatherland, found- alcohol consumption.4 A cartoon
from an 1899 Puck illustrates this
ed in August 1914, proudly
most vividly: Uncle Sam sees
defended German Kultur and pro-
“hyphenated voters” and asks,
ponents of the German side. The
“Why should I let these freaks cast
two examples shown below depict
whole ballots when they are only
the two emperors, Wilhelm II
half Americans?” (image 2, page
(January 27, 1915) and Franz 14) Clear ly the question of immi-
Joseph (February 17, 1915) on the grant identities was already an
cover (image 1). issue before World War I.
Image 1
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“AREYOU 100% AMERICAN?”
high financial cost of waging war
even if they could be convinced to
support a war in Europe ideologi-
cally. His famous words, “It’s not
an army we must shape and train
for war, it is a nation”5 illustrate
his concern.
On April 2, 1917, President
Image 2 Wood row Wilson went before a
joint session of Congress to
The entry of the United States
request a declaration of war
into the war was finally neither
against Germany. Wilson cited
quick nor surprising. When a
Germany’s violation of its pledge
German U-Boot torpedoed the
to suspend unrestricted submarine
British ocean liner Lusitania on
warfare in the North Atlantic and
May 7, 1915, and 1198 people,
the Medi ter ranean and its attempts
including approximately 118
to entice Mexico into an alliance
Ameri cans, died, the world was
against the United States as his
shocked. American views of the
reasons for declaring war. Two
war began to shift. The destruction
days later the U.S. Senate voted in
of the Black Tom ship terminal in
support of the measure to declare
New York harbor in July 1916 and
war on Germany. The House con-
of the Canadian Car and Foundry
curred on April 6, 1917. Several
Company in Kingsland, N.J. in
months later, on December 7,
January 1917 by German sabo-
1917, the United States declared
teurs fueled the anti-German sen-
war on Austria-Hungary as well.
tient even further. With the change
of public opinion, the United organIzIng The ProPaganda
States government started a con- efforT
certed effort to prepare its people Almost immediately President
for a change of position from neu- Wilson signed Executive Order
trality to being an ally on the side 2594 which established the
of Britain, France, and other Committee on Public Information.
nations. However, President Wil - The Committee on Public Infor -
son and his advisors were con- mation, also known as the CPI or
cerned that the American people the Creel Committee, was an
might not be willing to accept the agency of the government of the
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United States charged with coordi- evitably arises in wartime. The
nating all propaganda efforts by United States would have to issue
the different government agencies. bonds to support the war.
Its mission was to influence U.S. However, the government had to
public opinion regarding Ameri - explain the concept of such a
can participation in World War I. financial tool first, since most peo-
Over just twenty-eight months, ple were unfamiliar with it.7 The
from April 13, 1917, to August 21, effort to issue and to sell bonds to
1919, CPI used every medium of finance a war had to proceed on
communication available to create three fronts: military; economic;
enthusiasm for the war effort and and ideological. So, as President
to enlist public support against Wilson prepared to ask Congress
foreign attempts to undercut to approve a declaration of war,
America’s war aims. Leading Secretary of the Treasury McAdoo
graphic artists participated as well had the leading advertising agen-
as the press, radio stations, banks, cies design posters and pamphlets
department stores, the American which described war bonds as
Advertising Coun cil, the Boy loans, an investment which was
Scouts, and a large number of both patriotic and financially
other groups and organizations. sound.
George Theofiles suggests that
Image three below (page 16)
“perhaps 2,500 different poster,
is an example of such an easy-to-
window and bus cards were pro-
understand explanation: an anony-
duced. ...[poster] print runs under
mous middle-class citizen is faced
100,00 were unknown.”6
with the “payment of war debts”
Americans have always been and has to decide what “door” to
suspicious of any initiative which take in doing so. While the door
might increase their collective tax on the right is labeled “compulso-
burden, but going to war would ry tax, no return,” the left door
require major financial adjust- promises “victory loan, money
ment. It would be necessary both returned plus interest.” The image
to raise funds quickly and to redi- makes clear that the war bonds
rect the money which American were not a tax and that, therefore,
consumers had but would not be the political support of and conse-
able to spend because of the lack quent investment in them is a
of consumer goods which in - smart business decision.
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“AREYOU 100% AMERICAN?”
Moreover, war bond advertise- political, economic, and ideologi-
ments were more than an impor- cal factors. The leaders of demo-
tant means for raising money to cratic countries had to convince
cover the unprecedented costs of the populace rather than simply
the first total war in history. They informing it. The United States
were instruments of patriotic prop- and Great Britain quickly became
aganda which mirrored the ideolo- adept at tapping into the public’s
gy of the majority of society. passions and deep-seated feelings.
American propaganda in particu-
lar sought to reach its audience in
three ways: calls to do one’s patri-
otic duty; appeals to sympathy;
and emotional blackmail.
Image 3
TargeTIngTheaPPeal
The approach of the United States
and its allies to propaganda sup-
porting the war effort differed sig-
nificantly from that of Germany, Image 4
Austria, and other “closed soci-
eties”.8 The democratic nature of Patriotic Duty
the British and American societies The appeal to patriotic duty was
made it necessary to mobilize pub- based on the premise that buying
lic support for the war by all war bonds was as much a duty for
means possible. The design and a good citizen as fighting in the
deployment of posters in “open armed forces or working in the
societies” like Great Britain and war industry (image 4). Typically,
the United States were dictated by a soldier and a male civilian of the
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same height are shown in parallel pushed the analogy to the point of
poses holding a tool for fighting suggesting a virtual participation
the enemy: a weapon or a bond of citizens on the battlefield. The
certificate respectively as in image purchase of war bonds was there-
four. by represented as satisfying a
The purchase of war bonds patriotic duty as well as allowing a
was presented as a collective patri- civilian to be part of the fighting
otic act and encouraged for its force. Civilians, it was suggested,
beneficial effect on the people as a could participate in revenging the
whole rather than for its economic, soldiers killed or wounded on the
and therefore largely personal, battlefield as well as the civilians
benefits. Seldom was the appeal to victimized by air raids, unrestrict-
the economic interests of the pur- ed submarine warfare, and short-
chaser, in part certainly because ages of food and supplies. In
the propagandists could not find posters like “Lend the way they
an adequate symbolic representa- Fight” (image 5, page 18), design
tion which incorporated both elements such as intersecting diag-
patriotic and financial benefits onals or vivid colors made the
provided by war bonds. As the pic- appearance dramatic, just as
ture of the citizen before the two wavering clouds and torn-up soil
doors illustrated, the choice is from explosives stirred up the
between supporting the war effort emotions of the viewer.
for personal and communal gain Representing the enemy as having
or not. The bond’s rate of return is a numerical advantage over
largely immaterial. American troops was further cal-
culated to grip the emotions of the
References to war bonds as
public.
vicarious service and shared duty
were closely linked to the govern- Parallels between civilians
ment’s attempt to appeal to the and soldiers were extended finally
desire of many to literarily partici- to parallels between the current
pate in the war. The parallelism war and other important wars in
between the military and home American history. In a sophisticat-
fronts alone did not close the psy- ed appeal, posters like “Spirit
chological distance between the 1776” (image 6, page 19) equated
two fronts. Creel’s designers at the World War I with the War for
Center for Public Information Independence. The purchase of
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“AREYOU 100% AMERICAN?”
war bonds in the United States ripped clothes and were not averse
thus became a defense of the very to pictures of the actual act of
foundation of the nation, evoking killing the enemy in one-to-one
the notion of a justified war for combat. Courage and heroism
independence from a European linked to a stylized realism were
power while glossing over the fact more convincing than an ideal-
that the United States was now ized, sanitized picture of the
fighting with Great Britain against troops (image 7).
the Central Powers.
Image 7
Image 5 Men were obviously the tar-
get group for posters of patriotic
aPPeals to symPathy pinup girls whose sexual appeal
An approach that targeted a differ- was scarcely masked despite the
ent set of emotions was the use of fact that they were dressed to rep-
stylized sympathy figures, such as resent allegorical figures as
soldiers, women, and children, as Liberty or Freedom (image 8
well as of famous contemporary opposite). For the 1910s, such
and historical figures. The portray- posters were surprisingly liberal.
al of soldiers was intended to It seems that almost any method
evoke admiration and compassion. was justified in the effort to unite
They also included scenes of sol- the nation and win its support for a
diers on the battlefield in dirty and war overseas.
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Image 6
Image 8
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“AREYOU 100% AMERICAN?”
Finally, children were not man who can’t lend his govern-
only integrated into the totality of ment $1.25 per week at a rate of
the war effort by recognizing their 4% interest is not entitled to be an
value as buyers of War Savings American citizen.”10
Stamps, but were also part of a As part of their emotional
more indirect approach to appeal blackmail, CPI’s propagandists
to the parents. While image nine often used one of the oldest propa-
uses the style of children’s book ganda tools, false dichotomies.
illustrations to speak to a young They simplified the war effort into
audience, image ten clearly tar- two mutually exclusive extremes:
gets adults with its subtle humor Prussianism or Liberty; Freedom
and its saccharine “cuteness”. or Serfdom, or in case of the
Both posters “courted” the respec- German-Americans, German or
tive recipients in different ways to Ameri can. Taken together, these
encourage the purchase of war approaches were extremely effec-
bonds. tive in influencing public opinion
both in favor of the war and in its
emotional Blackmail
financial support. Failure to buy
Emotional blackmail was a
war bonds was finally aiding and
method unique to the American
abetting the enemy.
propaganda effort. Posters em -
ploying this technique sought to The camPaIgnagaInsT
shame people with feelings of german-amerIcans
guilt if they did not support the The war propaganda which the
war effort. Examples include the United States disseminated was
threat of public shame, the feeling unique as well because it the only
of being excluded from the patri- propaganda at the time to target
otic community if one did not specific groups. In addition to
wear an “honor button” which was women, children, boy scouts, and
given out to war bond subscribers workers in the war industry, recent
(image 11). A contemporary flier immigrants were a distinct target
reads: “If you don’t loan your group. Obviously, propaganda
money to your country, then you aimed at specific groups is partic-
lose your country and your money ularly relevant in a consideration
is no good in the first place.”9 of the effect of American propa-
Secretary of Finance, William G. ganda on the German-American
McAdoo, went even further: “A community. On a linguistic level,
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