Rosendale Dairy and the Rise of Factory Farming in the Fox Valley A report from students in the Rural Sociology course at University of Wisconsin Oshkosh Spring 2010 Semester Paul Van Auken, Professor DISCLAIMER: This report is a compilation of work conducted by students in the Rural Sociology course at University of Wisconsin Oshkosh in the spring of 2010. The research upon which it was based was reviewed and approved by the university’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) and the proper protocol for conducting ethical research on human subjects was followed. A primary concern for the IRB is the protection of interviewee confidentiality; it was stressed to students that they be diligent in this regard and it seems as though they were. Aside from the Introduction and Afterword, all of the material contained herein was produced by students for a semester project. It should be stressed that this report is the result of student homework assignments and that it contain opinions that are solely those of the student; all opinions expressed in this report are those of the individual authors and are not necessarily shared by the professor or the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh. Similarly, each author was responsible for including proper citations for any factual assertions made herein and the professor has strongly emphasized the need to be careful and diligent in this regard. That stated, neither the professor nor the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh claim to guarantee the accuracy of all assertions contained herein and given that this is primarily student work from one semester the conclusions found herein should not be construed as generalizable knowledge. These caveats, though, do not make the students’ work any less interesting or relevant. 2 Acknowledgments Student Authors Samuel Bennett Maria Bobber Jennifer Drewicz Amanda Enderby Jeff Groleau Stephanie Kopf Alison Kropidlowski Cassandra Kuen Troy Lawson Patrick McHugh Tashia Norton Kayla Oberstadt Joel Ramos Katlin Reyniers Joel Roeker Bram Sanders Robin Speidel Marybeth Volkers Cover photos by Katlin Reyniers Thanks to: The folks at Rosendale Dairy for the tour and responding to multiple follow up questions, the folks at Casa ESTHER for the discussion and refreshments, Jerry Apps and Steve Apps for giving us the tour of Roshara, Paul Dyk for coming to campus to fill us in about the dairy industry in Fond du Lac County, and all of the people who were willing to be interviewed or otherwise provided information for the students. It was very helpful and we all learned a lot. 3 Table of Contents Introduction from Professor ……………………………………………………………… 5 Background ……………………………………………………………………………………… 18 Analysis Natural Capital ……………………………………………………………………… 27 Human and Cultural Capital ………………………………………………….. 42 Political and Social Capital …………………………………………………… 55 Built and Financial Capital …………………………………………………… 70 Conclusions …………………………………………………………………………………… 79 Afterword from Professor ………………………………………………………………. 90 References ……………………………………………………………………………………… 95 Appendices …………………………………………………………………………………….. 106 4 Introduction Paul Van Auken This report is based on a project carried out by students (seventeen undergraduates and one graduate student) in the Rural Sociology course at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh (UWO) during the spring 2010 semester. Its purpose was to study the impact of modern agricultural practices on the economy, environment, and communities of the Oshkosh area, with a particular focus on the case of Rosendale Dairy, a concentrated animal feeding operation (CAFO) located about twelve miles from the UWO campus in northwestern Fond du Lac County. The research was designed to answer questions related to the impact of this CAFO one year into its expanded operation, such as: How do neighbors feel about the CAFO being located nearby? How does this CAFO impact and compare to smaller-‐scale local dairy farms? What is the economic impact upon the Rosendale area? What type of environmental impact has there been/what is the potential for environmental problems? Along with pursuing answers to such questions, students were tasked with gaining an understanding of the broader context of agriculture and important issues affecting the people and environment of rural communities in Wisconsin and the U.S. overall. The idea behind the project was to increase the engagement of students in learning about rural sociology by making them active participants in research about issues that are highly relevant to the region and state in which they are living.1 Exploring the rise of CAFOs in dairy – “the 1 I was actually simultaneously studying the impact of this new approach to this particular course on the engagement and performance of my students. This proved to be interesting in its own right and is discussed briefly in the Afterword. 5 largest industry in Wisconsin, employing 150,000 people and contributing $26 billion to the state's economy” (Wisconsin Dairy Business Association (DBA) 2009a: para. 18) – certainly seems to fit the bill. Since the students worked hard on this project and their results are interesting, I thought it deserved to be shared. CAFOs are generally defined as livestock operations housing 1,000 or more “animal units” – which equates to 700 dairy cows, 2,500 feeder pigs, or 55,000 turkeys – in a confined setting (Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources (DNR) (2010). Such operations now dominate the nation’s animal protein industry. According to Kirby (2010), “Two percent of U.S. livestock facilities now raise 40 percent of all animals, and the majority of pigs, chickens, and dairy cows are produced inside animal factories” (p. xiv). Figure 1 Source: DNR (2010) According to the DNR (2010), the number of CAFOs in Wisconsin increased from less than twenty in 1990 to 188 in 2010, the majority of which are dairy operations [see 6 Figure 1]. Over this period, while total milk production has ebbed and flowed but generally been on an upward trajectory, prices have fluctuated wildly, reaching record lows in 2009 at roughly $9 per hundredweight, which is well below the roughly $15 price needed to break even (Burns 2009). This instability has contributed to the sharp and continual decline in the number of dairy farms in Wisconsin; the state has lost 87 percent of its dairy farms since 1964, and its roughly 13,000 dairy farms represent a 46 percent decrease since 1997 alone (United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) 2007, DBA 2009a). These state-‐level changes occurred during a period of dramatic restructuring in U.S. agriculture overall (see Figure 2). Now, while the average dairy herd size in Wisconsin is around 100 cows, CAFOs account for a large and growing share of the state’s milk production; farms with 500 or more cows comprised less than 2 percent of Wisconsin’s dairy farms in 2007 but produced over one-‐quarter of its milk (USDA 2007). In Fond du Lac County, the sixteen dairy farms with 500 or more cows now house over 40 percent of the county’s cows, with Rosendale Dairy’s roughly 8,000 accounting for over 15 percent by itself (Paul Dyk, personal communication, February 22, 2010). While the pros and cons of these shifts are hotly debated in Wisconsin and the nation, it is undeniable that agriculture and the dairy industry in particular is experiencing dramatic change, with CAFOs as perhaps the most visible symbol of the dawn of a new era. 7 Figure 2 8 CAFOs are required to obtain a water protection permit in Wisconsin because of the potential impact from pollution posed by the manure of a large concentration of livestock (DNR 2010). Nationally, CAFOs “produce about 65 percent of the manure from U.S. animal operations, or about 300 million tons per year—more than double the amount generated by this country’s entire human population” (Gurian-‐Sherman 2008: 2). A number of academic and popular works have been produced that focus upon or discuss the impact of CAFOs (the book Omnivore’s Dilemma and film Food, Inc. being prime examples), shedding light upon myriad concerns about concentration in agribusiness and loss of mid-‐sized farms, the safety of the food system, treatment of animals, impact upon property values and quality of life for nearby residents, and environmental concerns due to the scale of such operations. According to Kirby (2010), “more Americans are coming to realize that the modern production of food – especially to provide for our affluent, protein-‐rich diet – has a direct and sometimes negative impact on the environment, the well-‐being of animals, rural communities, and human health (p. xiii). Midkiff (2005) is even more pointed. He argues that, the animals that provide us with meat, milk, and eggs…we have turned over…to large corporations that are more concerned about profit than about health, safety, taste, humane treatment of animals, land stewardship, or the quality of rural life. In the process we have made ourselves, our economy, and our very food supply extremely vulnerable. (P. 5). Critics – including scientists, consumers, grassroots community groups, farmers, and politicians –“charge that the only way CAFO production can be profitable is by passing along, or ‘externalizing,’ certain costs associated with raising so many animals in such a small space” (Kirby 2010: xvi). According to Gurian-‐Sherman (2008), 9 These externalities are associated with the damage caused by water and air pollution (along with cleanup and prevention), the costs borne by rural communities (e.g., lower property values), and the costs associated with excessive antibiotic use (e.g., harder-‐to-‐treat human diseases). (P. 1) The safety of the CAFO workplace and the importation of migrant workers to meet the labor demands of industrial agriculture have also been raised as important concerns, as has the use of genetically modified organisms (GMO) in the feed of CAFO operations. GMO soybeans now account for 90 percent of all U.S. soybeans and 63 percent of the corn crop in the U.S., despite a limited understanding of the risks associated with GMO and more than a decade of genetically engineered crops failing to provide significantly greater yields (Gurian-‐Sherman 2009). According to Organic Valley (2010a), based in rural Wisconsin and the nation’s largest organic cooperative, “questionable farming practices, such as the use of GMOs, should be prohibited until proven beyond any doubt to be safe for animals, the environment and people” (para. 10, emphasis in original). CAFO opponents further assert that small-‐mid-‐sized farms can effectively supply our nation’s food, particularly if they follow the principles of organic and sustainable agriculture. According to Organic Valley (2010b), for example, At a time when megacorporations are taking over all sectors of our economy, especially farming, Organic Valley's cooperative approach to organic agriculture offers struggling family farmers a lifeline. Defying the trend that puts 219 small farmers out of business per day, Organic Valley farmers earned over 25 percent more than their conventional counterparts in 2004. (Para. 5) Proponents of industrial agriculture, on the other hand, argue that CAFOs promote efficiency, the production of inexpensive food, and more comfortable living spaces for livestock. According to the Purdue Extension (2009), “agricultural methods are more efficient, produce higher yields, and produce healthier, more wholesome and more 10
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