Review Personality and Social Psychology

23 Pages·2007·4.59 MB·English

Personality and Social Psychology
Review
http://psr.sagepub.com/

Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity: A Reconceptualization of African American Racial Identity
Robert M. Sellers, Mia A. Smith, J. Nicole Shelton, Stephanie A.J. Rowley and Tabbye M. Chavous
Pers Soc Psychol Rev 1998 2: 18
DOI: 10.1207/s15327957pspr0201_2

The online version of this article can be found at:
http://psr.sagepub.com/content/2/1/18
Published by:
http://www.sagepublications.com

On behalf of:
Society for Personality and Social Psychology

Additional services and information for Personality and Social Psychology Review can be found at:

Email Alerts: http://psr.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts

Subscriptions: http://psr.sagepub.com/subscriptions

Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav

Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

Citations: http://psr.sagepub.com/content/2/1/18.refs.html
>> Version of Record - Feb 1, 1998

What is This?
DDoowwnnllooaaddeedd ffrroomm ppssrr..ssaaggeeppuubb..ccoomm aatt UUNNIIVV OOFF MMIICCHHIIGGAANN oonn AAuugguusstt 1111,, 22001144
Personality and Social Psychology Review Copyright 1998 by
O
1998, Vol. 2, No. 1, 18-39 LawrenceErlbaurn Associates, Inc.
Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity: A Reconceptualization of
African American Racial Identity
Robert M. Sellers
DepartmentofPsychology
University ofMichigan
Mia A. Smith and J. Nicole Shelton
DepartmentofPsychology
University ofVirginia
Stephanie A. J. Rowley
DepartmentofPsychology
UniversityofNorth Carolina
Tabbye M. Chavous
DepartmentofPsychology
University ofVirginia
Research onAfricanAmerican racialidentityhas utilized2 distinctapproaches. The
mainstreamapproachhasfocusedonuniversalpropertiesassociatedwithethnicand
racialidentities. Incontrast, the undergroundapproach hasfocusedondocumenting
the qualitative meaning ofbeingAfricanAmerican, with an emphasis on the unique
cultural and historical experiences ofAfrican Americans. The Multidimensional
ModelofRacialIdentity (MMRI) represents a synthesis ofthestrengths ofthese two
approaches. Theunderlyingassumptionsassociatedwiththemodelareexplored. The
modelproposes4dimensionsofAfricanAmericanracialidentity:salience, centrality,
regard, and ideology. A description ofthese dimensions is provided along with a
discussionofhowtheyinteracttoinfluencebehaviorattheleveloftheevent. Weargue
that the MMRI has the potential to make contributions to traditional research
objectives ofboth approaches, as well as to provide the impetus to explore new
questions.
AfricanAmericans' experiencesintheUnitedStates systematically deprived of access to their indigenous
differ significantly from those of members of other culture, African Americans were not afforded the
ethnic groups. Although many ethnic groups have ex- choice ofwhethertoassimilate intothe newcultureor
perienced discrimination and oppression in the United retain their indigenous culture. As a result, traditional
States, the form ofoppression thatAfrican Americans African culture has had to be grafted onto the cultural
have faced is unique. While the worthiness of other practices oftheEuropean/American societytoforman
ethnic groups has often been questioned upon their original cultural expression. The African American
arrival inAmerican society, noothergroups' humanity celebrationofKwanzaisagoodexampleofthisunion.
was denied them by the U.S. Constitution. African As a result of their experiences with oppression in
Americans were defined legally as property by the this society, theconceptofracehas historically played
United States government for almost a century. For a major role in the lives of African Americans. Al-
nearly 100 years after the end of slavery, laws were thoughracehasdubiousvalueasascientificclassifica-
enacted with the expressed purpose of making social tion system, it has had real consequences for the life
contactbetweenWhitesandAfricanAmericansillegal. experiences and life opportunities of African Ameri-
Such laws effectively relegated African Americans to cansintheUnitedStates.Raceisasociallyconstructed
the status ofsecond-class citizens. Because they were conceptwhichisthedefiningcharacteristicforAfrican
brought to the United States against their will and American group membership. This does not deny the
importance of both traditional African and African
American culture inthephenomenon ofracial identity
RequestsforreprintsshouldbesenttoRobertM.Sellers,Depart-
ment of Psychology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Ml in African Americans. However, American society's
48109-1109.E-mail:[email protected]. somewhat arbitrary categorization of individuals into
18
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
AFRICAN AMERICAN RACIALIDENTITY
this racial group has resulted in the psychological uni- MMRI as well as some preliminary evidence of its
fication ofmany individuals who vary a great deal in operationalization. Next, we discuss how both the sig-
theirexperiencesandculturalexpressions.Thefactthat nificance of race and the meaning of race interact to
the experiences ofAfrican Americans are heterogene- influence behavior at both -the molecular and molar
ous has resulted in variability in the significance and level. Finally, we conclude with a discussion of the
qualitative meaningthatthey attributetobeingamem- contributions of the MMRI to our understanding of
berofthe Blackracial group. For instance, some indi- African Americanracial identity.
vidualsplacelittlesignificanceonraceindefiningwho
they are, while others may seetheirracial membership
asthedefiningcharacteristicoftheirself-concept.Even BriefHistory ofRacial
whenindividualsplace similarly high levels ofsignifi- Identity Research
canceonraceindefiningthemselves, theymaydiffera
great deal in what they believe it means to be Black.' Racial identity has been one of the most heavily
One individual may believe that being Black means researched areas that focuses on the psychological ex-
congregating among other Blacks, while another may periences ofAfrican Americans. Since its infancy, ra-
believe being Black means that one should integrate cialidentityresearchershavegrappledwiththesignifi-
with Whites. It is the significance and meaning that cance and meaning of the construct (Cross, 1991).
AfricanAmericansplaceonraceindefiningthemselves Much ofthe early research viewed African American
thatwereferto as racial identity.2 racialidentitywithinthecontextofthisgroup'sstigma-
Inthisarticle, weintroduceanewmodelofAfrican tized status in American society, with little regard for
Americanracialidentity-theMultidimensionalModel therole ofculture (Clark & Clark, 1939; R. Horowitz,
of Racial Identity (MMRI). This model provides a 1939). Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) refer to this
conceptual framework for understanding both the sig- research tradition as the mainstream approach. This
nificanceofraceintheself-conceptsofAfricanAmeri- approachprimarilyhasfocusedontheuniversalaspects
cansandthequalitativemeaningstheyattributetobeing ofgroupidentity,usingAfricanAmericansasaspecific
members ofthat racial category. Along with this con- example. In thelate 1960s anothergroup ofpsycholo-
ceptualframework, weproposeamechanismbywhich gists, primarily African Americans, began to redefine
racial identity influences individuals' situational ap- AfricanAmericanracialidentitywithparticularempha-
praisalsandbehaviors.Beforepresentingthemodel,we sis on the uniqueness oftheir oppression and cultural
highlightthe potential contributions oftheMMRI and experiences.Thisresearchconstitutes whatGainesand
placeitwithinitshistoricalcontextbypresentingabrief Reed(1994, 1995)refertoastheundergroundperspec-
historicalreviewofthewayinwhichAfricanAmerican tive.3Althoughthemainstreamapproachowesitsroots
racialidentityhasbeenconceptualizedandinvestigated totheworkofGordonAllport(1954),theunderground
in the psychological literature. Next, we discuss how approachhasalineagethatdatesbacktothepioneering
contemporary researchers havebeguntoconceptualize workofW. E. B. DuBois (1903).
ethnic identity toincorporate boththe significance and Initially, Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) distin-
themeaningoftheirethnicgroupmembership.Wewill guished between the mainstream and underground ap-
then describe the four dimensions that comprise the proaches in their analysis ofthe research literature on
prejudice. In their analysis, these investigators sug-
gested thatthe mainstream approach is concerned pri-
We purposefully make a distinction in our usage ofthe terms marily with examining universal cognitive and affec-
BlackandAfricanAmerican.ThetermBlackisusedasanambiguous tive processes (biases and errors) to explain how and
categorythatmayormaynotbeinclusiveofallpersonsofAfrican why individuals(regardless ofrace)exhibitprejudicial
descent, depending uponthe individual's viewpoint. Some African
behavior.Thisapproachsuggeststhatanygroupcanact
Americans conceptualize the Blackreferencegroupas agroupthat
ismadeupofAfricanAmericansonly.OtherAfricanAmericansmay in a prejudicial manner or display in-group bias. In
holdamorePan-AfricanviewoftheBlackreferencegroup,inwhich contrast, the underground (or Afrocentric) approach
anyoneofAfricandescent isconsideredtobe Black. Thus, weuse emphasizesthehistoricalandculturalfactorsassociated
the term Black when referring to the individuals' own pheno-
menologicalviewofthemake-upoftheirreferencegroup.Incontrast,
we use the termAfricanAmerican to refer to those individuals of Gaines and Reed (1994, 1995) use the term underground to
African descent who have received a significant portion of their reflectthefactthattheresearchfromthisapproachhastraditionally
socialization intheUnitedStates. Thus,thetermAfricanAmerican receivedrelativelylittlerecognitionfromthebroaderpsychological
isculturallyboundtoagroupofpeoplewithinthecontextofAmeri- community. Like Gaines and Reed, we do not wish to convey
cansociety. secretiveness or subversive activity when we use the term under-
Althoughsomeresearchers havearguedagainstthetermracial ground.Theresearcherswithinthisapproachhaveheldacontinuing
identityinfavorofthetermethnicidentitytodescribegroupidentity public discourse regarding their workthat has been presented and
withinAfricanAmericans(e.g.,Smith, 1989),webelievetheimpor- publishedinsourcesthatareavailabletoeveryone.Theapplicability
tanceoftheconceptofraceintheexperiencesofAfricanAmericans ofthetermundergroundcomesfromtheunfortunaterealitythatthe
makestheformertermpreferable. scholarshiphasbeenvirtuallyignoredbymainstreampsychology.
19
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
SELLERS,SMITH,SHELTON, ROWLEY,&CHAVOUS
with African Americans' experiences in the United grouparecomparabletotheresponsesofanothergroup
States.Prejudiceisseenasmorethananerrororbiasin they may select oreven to otherpersons' responses to
cognitive processing with an associated affective re- different groups. Phinney's (1990, 1992) measure of
sponse. The underground approach views racial preju- ethnic identity emphasizes a universal process that is
diceasaby-productofAmerica'shistoryofslaveryand associated with individuals' development ofan ethnic
exploitation. Racial prejudiceisviewedwithinthecon- identity.Phinneyde-emphasizestheuniquehistoryand
text ofthe White society's need to resolve the disso- experiences associated which each ethnic group in fa-
nancebetween the high moral ideasthatembody being vorofpromoting ageneric model thatemphasizes the
an American and America's immoral treatment ofAf- similarities across ethnic groups so that comparisons
rican Americans. In actuality, much of Gaines and canbe madeacrossthem.
Reed's(1994, 1995)discussionofprejudicefocuseson The mainstream approach to racial/ethnic identity
thedifferences in AllportandDuBois's conceptualiza- has tended to focus on the significance of race or
tion ofthe identity developmentofAfrican Americans ethnicityinindividuallives.Forinstance,bothPhinney
in the face ofprejudice. (1992) and Crocker (Crocker& Luhtanen, 1990) have
aconceptin theirmodel thatdeals withthe importance
individualsplace on theirracial/ethnic group member-
Mainstream Approach toAfrican ship.Crockerandhercolleaguesaddressthisdimension
American Racial Identity ofracialidentity withtheirmembershipsubscaleinthe
Collective Self-Esteemmeasure(Luhtanen&Crocker,
Allport (1954) maintained that living in a racist 1992). Phinney alsomeasuresasimilarconstructinher
environment musthave negative consequences forthe Multi-GroupEthnicIdentity measure (Phinney, 1992).
African American psyche. Asaresult, heassumed that Totheircredit, Crockerandhercolleagues distinguish
African Americans were forced to either devalue as- between the significance of race to an individual's
pects ofthemselves that reminded them ofthe stigma self-concept and the affective and evaluative feelings
of being African American, or devalue the broader that the individual holds for his or her racial/ethnic
society forits prejudice againstthem, in ordertofunc- group by delineating aseparate construct thatthey call
tion. This notion ofan unhealthy, stigmatized identity private self-esteem. Cross (1991) notes the historical
was consistent with the predominant conceptualiza- importance ofmaking such adistinction in investigat-
tions oftheAfrican American self-conceptpriortothe ingracialidentityandself-esteeminAfricanAmericans
late 1960s (Clark, 1965; R. Horowitz, 1939; Kardiner as some of our recent research on the relationship
& Ovesey, 1951). Subsequently, much of the early between racial identity and self-esteem suggests
research on African American racial identity from the (Rowley, Sellers, Chavous, & Smith, in press).
mainstream perspective presumed that self-hatred was In itsfocusonuniversal properties anditsemphasis
a significant aspect ofthe African American self-con- onthesignificance ofagroupidentitytoanindividual,
cept (Cross, 1991). themainstreamapproachalsohasproducedagreatdeal
As the mainstream approach has matured, much of of research describing contexts in which a particular
thefocushasbeenonunderstandingthecognitiveproc- groupidentityismostlikelytobesalient(e.g.,Abrams,
esses and structures ofdifferentgroup (orsocial)iden- Thomas, & Hoggs, 1990; Cota & Dion, 1986; Kite,
tities within the self-concept (e.g., Cheek & Briggs, 1992;McGuire&McGuire, 1982;J.C.Turner, Oakes,
1982; Gurin & Markus, 1988; Hogg, 1992; Markus, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994). Research in self-categori-
1977; Oakes, Haslam, & Turner, 1994; J. C. Turner & zation and social identity suggests thatthe social con-
Oakes, 1989) whileignoringtheuniqueexperiences of text ofa particular situation can make various aspects
eachgroup. Formainstreamresearchers, racial identity of an individual's identity more or less accessible to
within African Americans is simply one example of them (e.g., Abrams et al., 1990; Cota & Dion, 1986;
these processes. The focus has been on assessing the Kite, 1992; McGuire, McGuire, Child, & Fujioka,
common psychological structures associated with 1978). Distinctiveness theory (McGuire et al., 1978)
groupidentitiesofdifferentracial/ethnicgroups.Based statesthatwhenoneisconfrontedby acomplex stimu-
on this focus, mainstream researchers tend to employ lus,onenoticesagivencharacteristicofthestimulusto
measures ofgroup identity thatare applicableto mem- theextentthatitisdistinctiveintheusualenvironment.
bers ofa variety ofgroups (e.g., Luhtanen & Crocker, In other words, McGuire and colleagues have consis-
1992; Phinney, 1992). For example, Luhtanen and tentlyfounddistinctiveness toberelevantinrelationto
Crocker(1992)developedacollectiveself-esteemscale ethnicityandgender,aswellastoahostofotherfactors
thatmeasures individuals' attitudes and feelings about suchasage,birthplace,weight,haircolor,andeyecolor
a group with which they strongly identify. The refer- (Kite, 1992; McGuireetal., 1978;McGuire,McGuire,
ence group individuals choose may be based on race, &Winton, 1979; McGuire&Padawer-Singer, 1976).
gender, ethnicity, region, occupation, or something The mainstream approach also has provided sub-
else. Presumably, persons' responses to a particular stantial evidence that making a group identity salient
20
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
AFRICANAMERICAN RACIALIDENTITY
hasconsequencesforthewayinwhich individualswill thatisplacedontherolethathistoryandcultureplayin
perceive persons who are outside oftheir group (e.g., the qualitative and experiential meaning associated
Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990; Crocker & Major, 1989; with being Black.
Crocker & Swartz, 1985; Jackson & Sullivan, 1987; Theunderground perspectiveemphasizesthespeci-
McCall & Simmons, 1978). When the context is ma- ficityofAfricanAmericanracialidentity.Thefocushas
nipulated tomakegroupmembership salient, individu- been on providing adescription ofwhat itmeanstobe
alsarelikelytoevaluatefellowmembersoftheirgroup Black. In other words, the underground approach has
more favorably than individuals outside their group. provided identity profiles regarding individuals' atti-
They are also likely to devalue members of the out- tudes and beliefs associated with their membership in
group. Membership in a stigmatized group also influ- the Black race. These profiles may differas afunction
ences the way individuals interpret negative feedback ofidentitydevelopment(Cross, 1971, 1991;Milliones,
(Crocker & Major, 1989). Members of a stigmatized 1976; Parham, 1989) or exposure to a nurturing so-
group are more likely to attribute negative feedback to ciocultural environment (Baldwin, 1984; Kambon,
prejudice than others in situations in which such an 1992). Nonetheless, an optimal set ofbeliefs and atti-
attribution is reasonable. Such external attributions tudes regarding one's race are either implicitly or ex-
seem to serve aprotective function for the self-esteem plicitly stated. Researchers differ in their criteria for
(Crocker& Major, 1989). determining what constitutes an optimal identity. This
Asawhole, themainstreamapproach hasproduced criteria ranges from an ability to survive in a racist
asignificantbody ofresearchdelineating theunderly- environment(Parham, 1989)toabiogeneticallyprede-
ingstructureofidentityfordifferentgroups. However, termined state of identity (Baldwin, 1984; Kambon,
inproducingthisimportantinformation, thisapproach 1992).
has, until recently, placed very little attention on the DuBois (1903) eloquently articulated the double
qualitative meanings associated with particular ethnic consciousness thatresulted from the inherent struggle
and racial identity. As a result, the mainstream ap- ofbeingboth a"Negro" andan American. Becauseof
proachhasprovidedaviewofAfricanAmericanracial the inherent conflict between America's overwhelm-
identitythathasemphasizedthestigmaassociatedwith ingly negativeviewoftheNegroandtheNegro'sown
having African features in this society. In some in- viewofhimorherself,theessentialtaskofhealthyego
stances, mainstream researchers have acknowledged development in African Americans becomes the rec-
theprotectivequalitiesassociatedwithAfricanAmeri- onciliationofthediscrepancy betweenhisorherAfri-
can racial identity (e.g., Crocker & Major, 1989), but canselfandhisorherAmericanself.Notsurprisingly,
eventhis acknowledgment is based on aview ofAfri- the tension between the individual's "blackness" and
canAmericanracialidentitythatfocusesonthestigma the broader White society plays a central role in the
attached tothe identity, as opposed to theexperiential way theorists from the underground perspective at-
properties associated with the unique historical and tempttodefinethemeaning ofbeingBlack.However,
cultural influences associatedwiththeAfricanAmeri- there is great variability in the way thatthis tension is
can experience. conceptualized in definitions of what it means to be
Black. Some theorists view identification with one's
blackness and identification with the broader White
Underground Approach toAfrican society as being two separate endpoints on a single
American Racial Identity continuum(e.g., Baldwin, 1984). Othersviewthemas
two separate dimensions on which individuals fall
In contrast to Allport, DuBois (1903) did not view (e.g., Boykin, 1983). Stillothersconceptualizeexcep-
theAfricanAmericanself-conceptasnecessarilybeing tionally strong identification with all things Black as
damaged. Although he felt that the racial oppression being animportantstepwithintheprocessofdevelop-
AfricanAmericansfacedplayedasignificantroleinthe inganintegrated identity(e.g.,Cross, 1991).Theorists
development oftheir self-concepts, he alsorecognized fromtheundergroundapproach alsorecognizethatthe
that there were cultural influences that had a direct meaning of being Black is not only influenced by
positive influence on African American ego develop- experiences of racism, but also incorporates cultural
ment.Thus,DuBoisrecognizedthatAfricanAmericans experiences from African Americans' historical and
couldforgeahealthy,strongself-conceptevenwiththe contemporaryexperiencesinAmericaandAfrica(e.g.,
stigma of being devalued by the larger society. From Azibo, 1989;Baldwin, 1980, 1984;Cross, 1971,1991;
these theoretical roots, the underground approach to Kambon, 1992; Milliones, 1976; Smith, 1991; J. L.
racial identity developed. Asnotedearlier, somemain- White&Parham, 1990).Asaresult,manyAfrocentric
stream research has recognized that racism has not theorists consider itto be inappropriate to use models
resulted in systematicself-hatredinAfricanAmericans based on the experiences of other ethnic groups to
(e.g.,Crocker&Major, 1989); however,thereisaclear explaintheexperiences ofAfrican Americans (Akbar,
differencebetween thetwoapproaches intheemphasis 1984; Azibo, 1991; Baldwin, 1984).
21
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
SELLERS, SMITH,SHELTON, ROWLEY, &CHAVOUS
Perhaps the most widely used model of African questioned whether the use ofan attitude scale is able
American racial identity within the underground per- to capture the complexity ofAfrican American racial
spectiveisCross'smodelofNigrescence(Cross, 1971, identity (Akbar, 1989).
1991). TheNigrescence modeldescribes fivestagesof Whereas the mainstream approach has focused pri-
racial identity development that African Americans marily on questions regarding the internal validity of
experience as they develop a psychologically healthy the identity processes, the underground approach has
Black identity (Cross, 1971, 1991; Helms, 1990; beenprimarilyconcernedwithexploringthepredictive
Parham, 1989). Although the model has been adapted validity of their models. For example, much of the
to investigate thegroup identities ofmembers ofother researchusingtheRIAShasinvestigatedthecorrelation
groups,theNigrescencemodelwasoriginallyproposed betweenindividuals' scoresonthefoursubscalesofthe
to describe the unique cultural and structural experi- RIAS and such phenomena as demographic back-
ences associated with becoming Black in the United ground(Parham&Williams, 1993),attitudesregarding
States(Cross, 1971).Recently,Cross(1991)revisedthe utilizing counseling services (Austin, Carter, & Vaux,
model and broadened each stage to include more di- 1990; Helms, 1984; Parham & Helms, 1981), self-ac-
verseexperiences.Briefly,inthefirststage,preencoun- tualization(Parham&Helms, 1985),andegofunction-
ter, individualsdo notbelievethatrace is an important ing (Marriette, 1990). Meanwhile, relatively little em-
component oftheir identity. This may include an ide- pirical research has directly investigated the processes
alizationofthedominantWhitesocietyorsimpleplace- proposed in the Nigrescence model (Sellers, 1993).
mentofmoreemphasison anotheridentity component Little longitudinal research has been produced that
such as gender or religion. Individuals in the second demonstratesthevalidity oftheconceptofindividuals'
stage, encounter, arefaced with aprofoundexperience cyclingthroughthefourstagesproposedbythemodel.
or a collection of events directly linked to their race. Similarly,muchoftheresearchusingBaldwin's(1984)
This experience encourages individuals to reexamine African Self-Consciousness model has focused on its
their current identity and find or further develop their ability to predictAfrocentric-related behaviorandatti-
Black identity. This experience can be either positive tudestotheneglectofresearchquestionsregardingthe
or negative (Cross, 1991). The third stage, immer- underlying assumptions of the model (e.g., Baldwin,
sion/emersion, is described as being extremely pro- Brown, & Rackley, 1990; Baldwin, Duncan, & Bell,
Black and antiwhite. Externally, individuals are ob- 1987; Baldwin & Hopkins, 1990). Thus, the under-
sessed with identifying with Black culture, but ground approach has produced research that has pro-
internally they have not made the commitment to en- vided relatively strong evidence that the meaning that
dorse all values and traditions associated with being African Americans hold for their racial identity plays
Black. The fourth stage, internalization, is charac- an important part in their lives but has generated rela-
terized by having afeeling ofinner security and satis- tivelylittleempiricalevidencesupportingtheexistence
factionaboutbeingBlack.Moreover,individualsatthis oftheinternalprocessesandstructuresproposedintheir
stage tend to have a less idealized view regarding the conceptual models.
meaning ofrace. They are ableto seeboththepositive The mainstream perspective and the underground
and negative elements ofbeing Black orWhite. Inter- perspective provide very different views of African
nalization-commitment, thefinalstage,representsthose American racial identity. While there is some overlap
individuals who translate their internalized identities betweenthetwoperspectives,thetwoapproachesdiffer
into action. in the types ofresearch questions, methodologies, and
Parham and Helms (1981) developed the Racial results they have yielded. The mainstream approach,
Identity Attitudes Scale (RIAS) to operationalize the with its focus on process and structure, provides a
Nigrescence model. The RIAS measures attitudes that framework through which African American racial
are representative ofattitudes individuals are likely to identitycanbeviewedinthecontextofotheridentities
hold toward the self, Blacks, andWhites astheytrans- individuals maypossess. Meanwhile, the underground
versethroughthefourstages.Attitudesarepredictedto approach provides a framework for studying the cul-
changefromantiblackorlowracesalience(preencoun- tural and experiential influences which comprise the
ter); to attitude flux (encounter); to pro-Black with qualitativeaspectsofAfricanAmericanidentity.Italso
referencetoantiwhite attitudes (immersion-emersion); provides a metric in which to understand individual
topro-Black withoutreference toWhite attitudes. The differencesinthelevelofidentification withthegroup.
latest version ofthe RIAS is a 50-item scale in which It is obvious that the two approaches to studying
respondents use a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging groupidentityaremorecomplementarythancontradic-
from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree) to tory. Becausetheyhavedifferentfoci,anintegrationof
indicate the extent to which each item represents their thetwoapproachesprovidesanopportunitytogenerate
attitudes (Helms & Parham, 1990). There has been a more comprehensive understanding of African
someconcern regarding thereliability ofthe subscales American racial identity than either approach could
(Ponterotto & Wise, 1987), and some authors have provide alone. We attempted to achieve such an inte-
22
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
AFRICANAMERICANRACIALIDENTITY
gration by introducing theMultidimensional Modelof Althoughanumberofdifferentcriteriacanbeidentified
Racial Identity (MMRI). The MMRI represents an in the literature as placing various identities within a
amalgamationofanumberofexistingtheoriesongroup hierarchy (McCall & Simmons, 1978; Rosenberg,
identity that is sensitive to the historical and cultural 1979; Stryker& Serpe, 1994), theMMRIusescriteria
experiences thatmakeracial identity aunique form of thataremostconsistentwiththoseused by Rosenberg
groupidentity forAfricanAmericans. (1979). In examining the hierarchy of identities, the
MMRI focuses on the importance that the individual
Assumptions oftheMMRI placesonraceindefininghimorherself. Byexplicitly
conceptualizing racial identity as only one of many
In her review ofthe adult ethnic identity research, identities within the self-concept, the MMRI provides
Phinney (1990) noted that nearly two-thirds of the theopportunitytoinvestigateracewithinthecontextof
studies failedto define racial orethnic identity explic- other identities such as gender and occupational iden-
itly. The MMRI defines racial identity in African tity. Therelativeimportanceofracecomparedtoother
Americans asthesignificanceandqualitativemeaning identities may have important implications for the
thatindividualsattributetotheirmembershipwithinthe qualitative meaning that a person ascribes to being
Blackracialgroupwithintheirself-concepts.Thisdefi- African American. Forinstance, an African American
nition can bebroken intotwoquestions: "How impor- woman for whom both gender and race are important
tantisraceintheindividual'sperception ofself?", and to her definition of self is more likely to incorporate
"What does it mean to be a member of this racial genderin herconceptualization ofwhatitmeanstobe
group?" The MMRI attempts to address these ques- Black than an African American woman for whom
tions. genderis notacentral aspectofheridentity.
Withthesequestions inmind, fourassumptions un- AthirdassumptionoftheMMRIisthatindividuals'
dergirdtheMMRI. Unliketheassumptionsunderlying perception of their racial identity is the most valid
some underground models (Kambon, 1992), these as- indicatoroftheiridentity. Although the MMRI recog-
sumptions are all testable, thereby providing a means nizes the role that societal forces plays in shaping the
bywhichtoassessthevalidityoftheconceptual model self, the emphasis is clearly on the individual's con-
(seeSellers, 1993).First,theMMRIassumesthatiden- struction ofhis or her identity. Thus, theMMRItakes
titiesaresituationallyinfluencedaswellasbeingstable a phenomenological approach toward studying racial
properties ofthe person. Some theorists have argued identity that focuses on the person's self-perceptions
thattheselfmaybeasituationallydeterminedconstruct (Jones & Gerard, 1967; Weiner, 1974). Some re-
(J. C. Turner et al., 1994), whereas other researchers searchershavechosentofocusonbehavioralindicators
have focused on the stable properties of identity oversubjectiveperceptionsoftheselfasalesscontami-
(Markus, 1977; Swann & Read, 1981). The MMRI nated approach to understanding the self (Stryker &
takes a position similar to that of Stryker and other Serpe, 1994; R. Turner, 1978). Because theMMRI is,
identity theorists in that identity has both properties bydefinition,interestedintheindividual'sownpercep-
(Markus&Kunda, 1986;Stryker&Serpe, 1982,1994). tions of the significance of race in his or her own
Specifically, racial identity in African Americans has definition ofself, behavioral indicators are less desir-
dynamic properties that are susceptible to contextual able than the person's self-report. This does not mean
cues and allow the stable properties ofthe identity to that we expect no relationship between self-reported
influencebehavioratthelevel ofthespecificevent.At perceptionsandovertbehavior.Forthemostpart,race-
thesametime, therearealsostableproperties ofracial relatedbehaviorsandactivitiesshouldbehighlycorre-
identitythatallowustoseedifferencesinthequalitative lated with the person's subjective beliefs about the
valueandsignificanceindividualsplaceontherolerace importance of race in their self-concept (Phinney,
playsinhowtheydefinethemselves.Thesestablequali- 1992). However, because overt behavior associated
ties of racial identity are not immutable. They may withaparticularidentity isalsoconstrainedbycontex-
graduallychangethroughoutthelifespanasaresultof tual factors (Stryker& Serpe, 1982), itis notaperfect
acumulativeinfluenceofthesocialenvironmentand/or indicatoroftheimportanceanindividual placesonthat
developmentalforces.Moreintensesituationsorexpe- identity.
riences such as those characterized by the encounter TheMMRIalsoemphasizestheindividual'spercep-
stage of the Nigrescence theory may also result in tionofwhatitmeanstobeBlack.Noaprioridefinition
lastingchangesinthesignificanceandmeaningofrace isprovided. TheMMRIrecognizesthatthere areindi-
inanindividual's life (Cross, 1971, 1991). vidualdifferencesinthequalitativenatureofthemean-
Asecond assumption oftheMMRIisthatindividu- ingindividualsascribetobeingamemberoftheBlack
alshaveanumberofdifferentidentities andthatthese racial group. Similarly, the MMRI makes no value
identities arehierarchically ordered (Markus &Sentis, judgment as to what constitutes a healthy versus an
1982; McCall & Simmons, 1978; McCrae & Costa, unhealthy racial identity. In order to ask whether a
1988;Rosenberg, 1979;Stryker&Serpe, 1982; 1994). particularidentityiseithergoodorbad,onemustdecide
23
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
SELLERS, SMITH, SHELTON. ROWLEY,&CHAVOUS
I~~~~~~~~~~
uponcriteriabywhichtobaseone'sevaluation.Inorder
RacialIdentity
to avoid tautology, it is important that the outcome be "'''''''''''''1''''' '..''.''1'.
distinct from the phenomenon being evaluated. In this I Racial........................... Ideolo.y
RacialSalience. RacialCentrality RacialRegard ,,RacialIdeology
case, theMMRIrepresents anassessmentofeachindi- ..........................
vidual's racial identity (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).
Ptblic Nationalist
Certainidentitiesmaybeassociated withmorepositive
outcomes (higher self-esteem, psychological well-be- ...............................................IP................. ................................
_Pdvate _ Oppressed
ing) than others. However, these are empirical ques- Minonty
tionsregarding associations betweentwoseparatephe- .Assimilatiorst
nomena. TheMMRIdoesnotproposethatanyidentity ........-.........I..............................................
is, in and ofitself, good orbad. Itis importantthatany _0Humarist
evaluationofracial identitytakesintoconsiderationthe
ecological environment associated with the identity
Figure 1. Schematic representation of the multidimensional
beforeevaluating itsadaptiveness. Itisquitelikelythat
modelofracialidentity.
the adaptiveness ofparticular identities are a function
of both the environment and the phenomena used to ideologyrefertotheindividuals' perceptions ofwhatit
evaluate adaptiveness. means tobe Black (see Figure 1).
Finally, the MMRI is primarily concerned with the
statusofanindividual's racialidentityasopposedtoits
development. The MMRI focuses on the significance Salience. Racial salience refers to the extent to
and the nature of an individual's racial identity at a whichone'sraceisarelevantpartofone'sself-concept
given point in time in the individual's life as opposed ataparticularmomentorinaparticularsituation.Thus,
to placing an individual in a particular stage along a racialsalienceisconcernedwiththeparticulareventor
particular developmental sequence. In this way, the situationastheunitofanalysis.4 Itishighlysensitiveto
MMRI differs from developmental models of racial boththecontextofthesituation andone'sproclivity to
identity such asthoseproposedby Cross (1971, 1991), define oneself in terms of race (McCall & Simmons,
Phinney (1992), and Milliones (1980). The difference 1978; Rosenberg, 1979; J. C. Turner et al., 1994). Our
inemphasis doesnotplacetheMMRIindirectconflict conceptualization ofsalienceisconsistentwithMarkus
with these models; instead itprovides apotential com- and Nurius's (1986) conceptualization ofthe working
plement. Asnotedabove,theMMRIallowsforthefact self-conceptandthenotionofspontaneousself-concept
that the significance and the meaning that individuals (e.g., Cota & Dion, 1986; McCrae & Costa, 1988;
placeonracearelikely tochangeacrosstheirlifespan. McGuire et al., 1978; McGuire & Padawer-Singer,
Developmental models characterize individuals' racial 1976).Forinstance,MarkusandNurius(1986)suggest
identity according to wheretheyreside onthesedevel- that there is a working self-concept that contains a set
opmental trajectories, while the MMRI provides aru- ofself-conceptions thatare presently active in thought
bricfromwhichtodescribethesignificance andmean- andmemory. They arguethatidentitywithinthework-
ing ofrace at various points along the developmental ing self-concept at any moment is determined by the
trajectory. Using the MMRI along with some of the core identity and the immediate social context. Thus,
existing developmental modelscould helpvalidate the the probability that race may be salient varies across
assumptions associated with both approaches and pro- both individuals and situations (Gurin & Markus,
videamorecomprehensiveunderstandingofthenature 1988). In general, individual differences in racial sali-
and development of racial identity in African Ameri- ence become more evident in more ambiguous situ-
cans. ations as aresult ofindividual differences in the more
stablecharacteristics ofracial identity (centrality). For
example, being the only African American in an all-
Dimensions ofthe MMRI
Withtheseassumptionsasitsfoundation,theMMRI The concept of salience is discussed throughout the identity
proposesfourdimensionsofracialidentitythataddress literature(e.g.,Cross, 1991;Rosenberg, 1979;Stryker, 1980;Stryker
both the significance and the qualitative meaning of &Serpe, 1982, 1994;White&Burke, 1987). Intheseinstancesthe
term has been used to describe the normative importance of an
race in the self-concepts ofAfrican Americans. These
identitytoanindividual. Forinstance, Strykerhas usedthetermto
fourdimensions consist of: racial salience, thecentral- describetheprobabilityaparticularidentitycancomeintoplayina
ity oftheidentity, theregard inwhich theperson holds given situation (Stryker, 1980; Stryker & Serpe, 1982). Such a
thegroupassociatedwiththeidentity, andtheideology trans-situationalpropertyismoreconsistentwithourconceptualiza-
associated with the identity. Racial salience and cen- tionofcentrality. Ourconceptualization ofsalienceismoreclosely
akintothatespousedbyMcCall andSimmons(1978)inwhichthe
tralityrefertothesignificancethatindividualsattachto eventistheunitofanalysisandsalienceisconsideredtobeinfluenced
race in defining themselves; while racial regard and inpartbysituationalcues.
24
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
AFRICAN AMERICAN RACIAL IDENTITY
WhiterestaurantmaymakeracesalientforoneAfrican self with respect to race across a number of different
American, while it may not affect another African situations. Also, implicit in the conceptualization of
American in the same situation. More stable person centralityisahierarchicalrankingofdifferentidentities
characteristics, specificallyracialcentrality,maydirect relativetotheirproximity totheindividual'scoredefi-
individuals to pay attention to certain cues within the nition of self (Banaji & Prentice, 1994; Gurin &
social event and direct attention away from others. On Markus, 1988). For example, some African American
the other hand, some situations are so persuasive that women may define themselves more in terms oftheir
they make race salient for almost all African Ameri- genderthantheirrace, whileothersmayuseraceasthe
cans.Thatis,itishighlylikelythatracewouldbesalient more important self-defining characteristic. The con-
foranyAfrican American sitting in themiddleofaKu ceptofcentrality is atthecore ofmany oftheexisting
Klux Klan meeting, instead ofarestaurant. research models of group, social, racial, and ethnic
Racialsalienceisthemediatingprocessbetweenthe identity.
more stable characteristics of identity and the way Personal construct theory (Kelly, 1955) argues that
individuals construe and behave in specific situations. people define the world and themselves based on dif-
Studies of in-group bias have consistently shown that ferentconstructswhichareidiosyncratictothemselves.
making group identities salient (even arbitrary identi- Thetheoryarguesthatcertainconstructs aremorerele-
ties)hasconsequencesforthewayinwhichindividuals vant (superordinate) and others are less relevant (sub-
evaluate and behave towards members of both the ordinate) to how a person views the world or them-
in-group and out-group (for review, see Messick & selves.Inpersonalconstructterms,centralidentitiesare
Mackie, 1989). Similarly, the extent to which race is analogoustosuperordinateself-constructs andnoncen-
madesalientinaparticularsituationalsohasanimpact tralidentitiesareconsideredsubordinateself-constructs
on the way that the person construes the situation. In (Ingram, 1989).Acriticalfeatureofboththeconceptu-
ourprevious restaurantexample, the person for whom alization ofcentrality and personal construct theory is
raceis salientmay construepoorservice from aWhite its reliance on a phenomenological perspective in de-
waitressasbeingtheresultofpossibleracism,whilethe termining whetherraceiscentraltoaperson'sidentity.
otherperson ismore likely to attribute ittosome other Cross (1991)discusses some ofthelimitationsofstud-
factor(suchasthewaitressisalwaysunfriendly).These ies which ascribe a certain racial identity to a person
construals have very different implications regarding basedontheirmembershipwithinaracialclassification
the potential behavior of the two African American whenattemptingtoinvestigatetherelationshipbetween
customers. Thus, understanding whetherraceis salient identity andsomeotheroutcome. Suchascribedidenti-
is importantin predicting howthetwoAfricanAmeri- ties do not fully incorporate the individual differences
cancustomers willrespond in agiven situation. in the meaning andrelevance ofraceinthe lives ofthe
Salience is a process variable in that it is a function personswithintheseracialclassificationsandasaresult
ofboth situational cues andperson factors (specifically obtaininaccurateestimatesoftherelationshipbetween
centrality). As such, it is very similar to Lazarus and identity and outcome.
Folkman's (1984) conceptualization ofappraisal in the Afew researchers fromthe mainstreamperspective
stress and coping literature. One can not understand haveproposedconcepts similartocentrality. Luhtanen
salienceasbeingsimplytheproductofthesituationand and Crocker (1992) have incorporated such a concept
theperson.Thecombinationofthesetwosetsoffactors intheirmeasureofcollectiveself-esteem.Thismeasure
results in a third variable that is completely different includes a 4-item subscale entitled "identity," which
from the original set of factors. For instance, neither measures the person's perceived importance ofher or
hydrogennoroxygenalonearewater.Theyonlybecome hismembershipwithinaspecificgroup.Atpresent,this
waterwhen they arecombined inspecificcombination. aspect of their measure has been underutilized and
It is impossible to determine from looking at or tasting underemphasized. Phinney's(1992)MultigroupEthnic
waterwhatpartishydrogenandwhatpartisoxygen.As IdentityMeasurealsoincludesitemstappingaperson's
a result ofthe influence ofsituational cues, salience is feelings of belonging and attachment to one's ethnic
verydynamicandcanchangefromeventtoevent. Asa group within the Affirmation and Belonging subscale.
resultofperson factors, there arealso likely to be indi- These concepts are somewhatrelated to racial central-
vidualdifferences in saliencewithin thesame event. ity. Unfortunately, these racial centrality items are in-
termingled with items that tap individuals' evaluative
attitudes towards their ethnic group. As such, the
Centrality. Racial centrality refers to the extent subscale seems to tap two separate constructs at the
to which a person normatively defines himselfor her- same time.
self with regard to race. Unlike salience, centrality is, Historically, centrality has played a leading role in
by definition, relatively stable across situations. The the underground approach to African American racial
unit ofanalysis for centrality is not a particular event, identity.Manyofthesemodelsarebasedontheexplicit
but instead the individual's normative perceptions of assumption that race is a very central identity in a
25
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014
SELLERS,SMITH,SHELTON,ROWLEY, &CHAVOUS
normally functioning African American (Akbar, 1981; Whereas the salience and centrality dimensions of
Baldwin, 1984;Baldwin,Brown,Rackley, 1990;Kam- the MMRI address the question ofthe significance of
bon, 1992).Assuch,theextenttowhichraceisacentral race in individuals' lives, the regard and ideology di-
identityhasbeen viewedasanindicatorofthestatusof mensions address the question of the meaning that
individuals' racialidentitydevelopmentaswellastheir individuals attributetobeingBlack. Assuch, thesetwo
mental health. For example, Baldwin's (1984; also dimensions attempt to capture some ofthe texture and
known as Kobi Kambon) model argues that all indi- richness associated withAfrican American racial iden-
viduals of African descent are biogenetically predis- tity thatflows from the heterogeneity within the Black
posed toward acentral racial identity when nourished experience.
in a nonhostile and affirming environment (Kambon,
1992).BaldwinarguesthatAfricanpersonalityconsists
oftwo core systems. The first is the African Self-Ex- Regard. Feelings ofpositivity and negativity to-
tension Orientation (ASEO), which is biogenetically wards being Black has been a consistent theme in the
determinedandresidesinallpeopleofAfricandescent. research literature on African Americans. As Cross
The ASEO is hypothesized to be an unconscious core (1991) points out, much ofthe early work on African
systemthatwarehouses thecollective spiritual essence American racial identity viewed preference for one's
ofallAfricanpeople.Thesecondisaconscioussystem own group as instrumental in the conceptualization of
termed the African Self-Consciousness (ASC), which racial identity (e.g., Clark & Clark, 1947; E. L.
transforms the ASEO through the individual's life cy- Horowitz, 1936;R.Horowitz, 1939).AfricanAmerican
cle. As a conscious process, ASC is believed to be children's preference forWhite stimuli (such as dolls)
influencedbyboththeenvironmentandbybiogenetics. was seen as evidence ofAfrican American adults' de-
Variation inenvironmental experiences thatarecultur- valuationoftheirracewhichinturnwasexplainedaway
allyaffirming leadtoindividualdifferencesinlevelsof asthenaturalconsequenceofAfricanAmericansinter-
ASC, suchthatindividuals in amoreculturally affirm- nalizing the broader society's negative view of them
ingenvironmentarelikelytohavehigherlevelsofASC (Cross, 1991).Later,researchersfromtheunderground
(Baldwin, 1984; Baldwin, Brown, & Rackley, 1990; perspective also placed a great deal of emphasis on
Kambon, 1992). individuals' evaluations of Blacks in their models of
Although some theorists have assumed that race is AfricanAmericanracialidentity (e.g.,Baldwin, 1984).
mostcentral,empiricalresearchsuggeststhatraceisnot Theytendedtoconceptualizepositivefeelingstowards
always a central aspect of many African Americans' Blacks as being an essential component of a healthy
self-concept(Ingram, 1989;Phinney&Alipuria, 1990). racialidentity. Inanyevent,individuals' evaluationsof
Ingram(1989) usedtheRoleConstructRepertory Grid Blacksasagrouphavehistoricallybeenconceptualized
toassess themeaningfulness ofvarious self-constructs asanimportantcomponentofAfricanAmericanracial
in a predominantly female (72%) sample of African identity.
American college students. She found that although Weattempttoaddressthisthemeofgroupevaluation
participants rated race as a meaningful self-construct, within the MMRI via our conceptualization ofthe re-
gender was rated as the most meaningful construct. gard dimension. Racial regard refers to a person's
Phinney and Alipuria (1990) askedparticipants to rate affective and evaluativejudgment ofheror his race in
five identity domains (occupation, politics, religion, termsofpositive-negative valence. Inotherwords,itis
gender role, and ethnicity) on a 4-point scale ranging theextenttowhichtheindividualfeelspositivelyabout
from 1 (notatallimportant)to4(veryimportant).Their his or herrace. This conceptualization ofracial regard
resultsrevealed thatethnic identity tied forthird place is based heavily on Crocker and her colleagues' work
with religious identity among the African American on collective self-esteem (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990;
participants in their sample. In fact, some researchers Crocker,Luhtanen,Blaine,&Broadnax, 1994;Crocker
have even begun to suggest that having a less central &Major, 1989;Luhtanen &Crocker, 1992).Liketheir
racialidentitymaybemoreadaptiveforAfricanAmeri- model ofcollective self-esteem, our regard dimension
cans (Penn, Gaines, & Phillips, 1993). Unfortunately, consists of both a private and a public component.
there is adearth ofstudies thathaveempirically inves- Private regard is defined as the extent to which indi-
tigated therelation between racial centrality inAfrican viduals feel positively or negatively towards African
Americans and mental health status (Sellers, 1993). Americansaswell ashowpositively ornegatively they
Thosefew studies thathaveattempted toassess such a feelaboutbeinganAfricanAmerican. Thiscomponent
relationhavebeenlimitedbymeasuresofcentralitythat ofregard isalsoconsistentwiththeconceptofpsycho-
are confounded with other aspects of racial identity logical closeness andracial prideinothermodels (e.g.,
(e.g., Parham & Helms, 1985). Thus, it is imperative Demo & Hughes, 1990; Hughes & Demo, 1989).
that the significance of race in individuals' self-con- Public regard is defined as the extent to which
cepts be conceptualized and operationalized distinctly individuals feel that others view African Americans
from otheraspects ofracial identity. positively or negatively. It is the individual's assess-
26
Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at UNIV OF MICHIGAN on August 11, 2014