Rethinking Conflict at the Margins: Dalits and Borderland Hindus in Jammu and Kashmir

227 Pages·2020·6.354 MB·English

by  Mohita Bhatia

Rethinking Conflict at the Margins
Rethinking Conflict at the Margins departs from the conventional academic narration
of the conflict situation in Jammu and Kashmir and expands the debate by shifting
the focus from the Kashmir region to the Jammu region. Generally, it is the response
of Muslim-majority Kashmir region – particularly its contestation of the hegemonic
and assimilative temperament of the Indian state – that captures the attention of
researchers. The Hindu-majority Jammu region, which is affected by the conflict in
many ways, remains in the shadows. Mohita Bhatia, in this book, seeks to fill in this
crucial academic gap by locating the conflict in the Jammu region. Besides explaining
the ‘Hindu reactionary’ and ‘ultra-nationalist’ responses of some sections of Jammu’s
society, the book also foregrounds the genuine grievances of its people and their
concerns within the dominant ‘Kashmir-centric’ discourse.
The central aim of the book is to ethnographically illustrate the everyday life and
politics of marginal Hindu communities in Jammu who are affected by the conflict
and conflict-based politics in multiple ways. Focusing on two marginal Hindu
groups – Scheduled Castes and residents of border areas – the author raises important
questions related to the nature of conflict, nationalisms and hegemony. Are dominant
nationalisms, whether Kashmiri or Indian, oblivious to the concerns of peripheral
sections of society? Does Kashmiri nationalism suppress the diverse voices within
Jammu and Kashmir and assume a hegemonic outlook, echoing Indian nationalism?  
The book is also a journey beyond the issues of conflict and turmoil in Jammu and
Kashmir, bringing attention to caste-based struggles, realities of border areas and
other aspects of life.
Mohita Bhatia is a sociologist and socio-political analyst. She has been a Gates
Cambridge Scholar at the University of Cambridge and a Fulbright post-doctoral fellow
at Stanford University. She also taught at the Centre for the Study of Discrimination
and Exclusion as an Assistant Professor. She hails from Jammu and shares a unique
perspective of that region.

Rethinking Conflict
at the Margins
Dalits and Borderland Hindus
in Jammu and Kashmir
Mohita Bhatia
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre, New Delhi – 110025, India
79 Anson Road, #06–04/06, Singapore 079906
Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.
It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning and research at the highest international levels of excellence.
www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108836029
© Mohita Bhatia 2020
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2020
Printed in India
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library
ISBN 978-1-108-83602-9 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication,
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
Contents
List of Figures and Tables vii
Preface ix
Acknowledgements xiii
1. Introduction 1
2. Regional Diversities and the Conflict 23
3. Caste, Everyday Life and Conflict Politics 41
4. Border Realities: Contesting Hegemonic Paradigms of Nationalism
and Conflict 67
5. Contesting the Homogenised Discourse of Religious Identities 104
6. Conclusion 160
Glossary 183
Bibliography 187
Index 200

Figures and Tables
Figures
1.1 Relative positions of Jammu city, Rajouri town and Bishnah town 14
1.2 Kanhal: Clockwise from top (a) Signboard (b) Private school
(c) Women coming back from the fields (d) Village temple
(e) Some of the respondents 17
1.3 Danidhar: (a) View of Danidhar village (b) A Gujjar family
(c) A group of respondents (d) View of Rajouri town from the village 19
1.4 Hand drawn map of Danidhar (by Shakeel, a resident of Rajouri) 20
2.1 Map of Jammu and Kashmir 24
2.2 Regions of Indian-Administered Jammu and Kashmir 25
2.3 Jammu division shown with district and tehsil boundaries 36
4.1 Map of Jammu and Kashmir showing the Line of Control 69
4.2 The main market in Rajouri town 76
4.3 Residents of Rajouri looking at villages across the LOC 98
5.1 Amarnath caves, located 141 kilometres northeast of Srinagar 130
Tables
6.1 Winning parties of various assembly elections in reserved
constituencies 174
6.2 Winning parties in Rajouri and Nowshera constituencies 175
6.3 Winning parties in Hindu constituencies (unreserved) 176

Preface
I grew up in Jammu – one of the three main parts of the state of Jammu and Kashmir
(India) – the other two being Kashmir and Ladakh. Dogri is the main language
spoken in the city of Jammu, but I used Hindi and English in everyday interactions at
school and with my family. I have made a few trips to Kashmir with my parents, and
the anticipation of every approaching trip to Kashmir fuelled a lot of excitement in
me. Trips to Kashmir felt like visiting a different world altogether in so many ways.
The Valley’s cold weather and its enormously scenic spaces offered a delightful
respite from the scorching heat of the plains of Jammu. Although Kashmir has a
different culture and language (Kashmiri), Kashmiris go out of their way to offer
hospitality to their guests, including conversing in Hindi with the people of Jammu.
Despite much close interaction between the people of the two regions, Jammu-ites
often have an exotic and romanticised view of a ‘distinctly’ Kashmiri culture. Up
until I started reading and researching on Kashmir, it was this romanticised vision
that framed my understanding of the Valley.
When I moved to Delhi to pursue MPhil at Jawaharlal Nehru University, I was
surprised to learn that a majority of people from across India shared not just a
similar ‘exotic unfamiliarity’ with regards to Kashmir, but were also oblivious to the
fact that Jammu and Kashmir comprised different parts of the state. Most students
and researchers at the university coming from different parts of India equated the
state of Jammu and Kashmir with just ‘Kashmir’. ‘Are you a Kashmiri Pandit
(Hindu)?’ or ‘Do you speak Kashmiri?’ were the common questions I frequently
encountered. Although I felt proud to be called a ‘Kashmiri’ (because Kashmir
is more beautiful and scenic than many parts of Jammu, especially Jammu city),
it troubled me that people outside the state of Jammu and Kashmir had only a
partial understanding of it. I never missed an opportunity to educate my friends
and acquaintances about the extremely diverse make-up of the state. I decided to
focus my inquiry on the largely unnoticed Jammu region and foreground the plural
character of the state as part of my research. Not only is Jammu and Kashmir divided
x Preface
between India and Pakistan, both sides of the state are internally differentiated in
cultural, linguistic, political and demographic terms.
The partition of the Indian subcontinent also led to the division of Jammu and
Kashmir into Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir (IAJK) and Pakistan-
administered Jammu and Kashmir (PAJK). The violence that accompanied the
partition of the state still continues in myriad and violent forms. The mention
of Jammu and Kashmir in this book is exclusively a reference to the Indian-
administered part because of limitations in scope. The state of Jammu and
Kashmir on the Indian side has been suffering multiple forms of violence in the
post-partition period – by the Indian state, insurgents, and several other kinds of
everyday violence unleashed by the situation of conflict. The core of the conflict
is the uneasy and confrontational relationship between Indian and Kashmiri
nationalisms. The two competing nationalisms have failed to accommodate one
another, with the Indian state often using coercive means to suppress Kashmiri
nationalism. Kashmiri Muslims have been using several forms of protest to express
their angst and frustration at the Indian state. Emergence of insurgency in the
late 1980s was the most extreme form of protest that initially had an indigenous
character and was led by young and educated Kashmiri Muslim youth. A section of
Kashmiri Muslims have often articulated the demand of ‘azadi’, or independence.
This story of the Kashmiri struggle is the most commonly narrated account of
the conflict by academics. It is also the most pivotal account of the conflict since
Kashmir-based resistance represents a challenge to the hegemonic and assimilative
tendencies of Indian nationalism.
This book does not retell that story, but, in fact, significantly departs from
it. Howsoever relevant, this narrative of conflict is partial and does not portray
the all-encompassing and multifaceted aspects of it. Being a Kashmir-centric
account, it does not tell of the perspectives on conflict in other parts of the state.
Besides Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh are not at the centre of the conflict but have
been differently yet significantly affected by it. For academic and policy-making
purposes, the story of the conflict needs to be comprehended from the standpoints
of different parts of the state, especially because these regions are very different
from one another and have disparate positions on the politics of the conflict and
its resolution. Any kind of resolution is only feasible if the standpoints of the three
regions are taken into account. The politics of self-determination is a Kashmir-based
ethnic movement and does not resonate much with either Jammu or Ladakh. The
diverse make-up of the state requires capturing multiple voices and aspirations. In
this endeavour, this book is an attempt to ethnographically and critically engage
with the Jammu region, especially its various Hindu communities. Placing Ladakh
at the centre of the politics of conflict is equally important, but that would require
a separate exhaustive study. For now, this book brings Jammu to the forefront