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PALGRAVE STUDIES IN RELIGION, POLITICS, AND POLICY Religious Rhetoric in US Right-Wing Politics Donald Trump, Intergroup Threat, and Nationalism Chiara M. Migliori Palgrave Studies in Religion, Politics, and Policy Series Editor Mark J. Rozell, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University, Arlington, VA, USA This series originated under the co-editorship of the late Ted Jelen and Mark J. Rozell. A generation ago, many social scientists regarded religion as an anachronism, whose social, economic, and political importance would inevitably wane and disap- pearinthefaceoftheinexorableforcesofmodernity.Ofcourse,nothingofthesort hasoccurred;indeed,thepublicroleofreligionisresurgentinUSdomesticpolitics, in other nations, and in the international arena. Today, religion is widely acknowl- edged to be a key variable in candidate nominations, platforms, and elections; it is recognized as a major influence on domestic and foreign policies. National religious movements as diverse as the Christian Right in the United States and the Taliban in Afghanistan are important factors in the internal politics of particular nations. More- over, such transnational religious actors as Al-Qaida, Falun Gong, and the Vatican have had important effects on the politics and policies of nations around the world. Palgrave Studies in Religion, Politics, and Policy serves a growing niche in the disciplineofpoliticalscience.Thissubfieldhasproliferatedrapidlyduringthepasttwo decades,andhasgeneratedanenormousamountof scholarlystudiesandjournalistic coverage. Five years ago, the journal Politics and Religion was created; in addition, works relating to religion and politics have been the subject of many articles in more general academic journals. The number of books and monographs on religion and politics has increased tremendously. In the past, many social scientists dismissed religion as a key variable in politics and government. Thisseriescastsabroadnetoverthesubfield,providingopportunitiesforscholars at all levels to publish their works with Palgrave. The series publishes monographs in all subfields of political science, including American Politics, Public Policy, Public Law, Comparative Politics, International Relations, and Political Theory. The principal focus of the series is the public role of religion. “Religion” is construed broadly to include public opinion, religious institutions, and the legal frameworks under which religious politics are practiced. The “dependent variable” in which we are interested is politics, defined broadly to include analyses of the publicsourcesandconsequencesofreligiousbeliefandbehavior.Thesewouldinclude matters of public policy, as well as variations in the practice of political life. We welcomeadiverserangeofmethodologicalperspectives,providedthattheapproaches taken are intellectually rigorous. The series does not deal with works of theology, in that arguments about the validity or utility of religious beliefs are not a part of the series focus. Similarly, the authors of works about the private or personal consequences of religious belief and behavior, such as personal happiness, mental health, or family dysfunction, should seek other outlets for their writings. Although historical perspectives can often illu- minateourunderstandingofmodernpoliticalphenomena,ourfocusintheReligion, Politics, and Policy series is on the relationship between the sacred and the political in contemporary societies. More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/14594 Chiara M. Migliori Religious Rhetoric in US Right-Wing Politics Donald Trump, Intergroup Threat, and Nationalism Chiara M. Migliori John F. Kennedy Institute Freie Universität Berlin Berlin, Germany ISSN 2731-6769 ISSN 2731-6777 (electronic) Palgrave Studies in Religion, Politics, and Policy ISBN 978-3-030-96549-5 ISBN 978-3-030-96550-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96550-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilarmethodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such namesareexemptfromtherelevantprotectivelawsandregulationsandthereforefreefor general use. Thepublisher,theauthorsandtheeditorsaresafetoassumethattheadviceandinforma- tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respecttothematerialcontainedhereinorforanyerrorsoromissionsthatmayhavebeen made.Thepublisherremainsneutralwithregardtojurisdictionalclaimsinpublishedmaps and institutional affiliations. Cover credit: selimaksan/Getty Images This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland For my grandfather who would have hated the things I say but would have loved a book written by me Preface When I started my Ph.D. in October 2016, Donald Trump was still the Republican candidate who had been polarizing the United States, and most of the world’s public opinion, since summer 2015. In little more than a month, under the bewildered look of half of the nation’s population, he had become the president-elect of the United States. I have always been fascinated by how Christian faith and conservative politics intersect in the social panorama of the United States, and I had set out to pursue my research in a structured, in-depth way thanks to the opportunity offered by the doctoral position. What I had not foreseen, when I first set foot in the Graduate School of North American Studies of the Freie Universität of Berlin, was that I was in for a ride that would have challenged many of the preconceived notions I had on that subject. At first, I had thought of limiting my research to the discourse of Donald Trump, investigated through an attentive listening of his speeches, and that of preeminent pro-life and pro-traditional family interest groups, if I had been brave enough to meet some of the people working for them. Then my colleagues suggested that I interviewed the people whose opinions mattered the most: ordinary voters who supported the former president and did so without being conditioned by thedecades-longrelationshiptyingtheReligiousRighttotheRepublican Party. During the years, I managed to meet with people who allowed me to ask them the questions that then formed the structure of this book. vii viii PREFACE We talked about politics and religion, they granted me access into their thinkingandtheirbeliefs,andeventhoughsomeofthemaretheopposite of mines, I was grateful for their willingness to sit down with a complete stranger to discuss the whys and hows of their worldview. I organized this specific type of interviews because conversations happening in small groups can give as a result a wider variety of input related to the topics discussed. Peer groups differ from focus groups in their being composed by a smaller number of participants, who usually know each other. The familiarity of the setting allows to reduce the role of the facilitator and the conversation to flow in a more natural way. A commonly mentioned limitation attributed to focus or peer groups concerns the lack of representativeness of the participants’ opinions. Furthercomplicatingissuescharacterizingthistypeofinterviewmightbe the interruption of the answer of another participant, the mutual galva- nizationoncertaintopics,originatingfromsharedopinionsorgrievances surroundingthem,andtheoutspokennessofsomeoftheparticipantsthat inevitably leads to the silence of other, less vocal ones. A very low percentage of the pastors I had contacted answered my request, either positively or negatively. At such low response rate, self- selection clearly played an important role in the formation of the groups, thus preventing me to obtain a probability sample. The rather low level of representativeness obtained through this type of qualitative research, however, does not constitute a hindrance for the present work, whose main aim remains a discursive analysis directed at highlighting the role of religious identity in informing political behavior in the 2016 presidential election. Some peer groups’ discussions proceeded smoothly, with participants respecting the rules of taking turns, but sometimes avoiding expressing strong feelings on any of the topics discussed. In other groups, instead, it is possible to retrace deeply felt emotions and ill-concealed anger and frustration. Notwithstanding the value of individual, in-depth interviews to gain a deeper perspective in the object of investigation, the social imaginary of white conservative Christian voters, a pluralistic discus- sion represents the form best suited to uncover the multiple layers of significance that some issues might assume in the imaginary of the interviewees. In order for the conversation to proceed, people usually tend to look for common ways of framing the issue being discussed. Posited that every singular way of framing corresponds to a different worldview over PREFACE ix aspecifictopic,peergroups’resultsprovidewithadetaileddescriptionof theprocessofmeaningformationandreproductionthatiscrucialtogain a thorough understanding of the topic at hand. Five years after the beginning of this research, Donald Trump is no longerpresident;hewassucceededbyafigurethatrepresentstheideolog- icaloppositeofeverythinghesymbolized,andhismostardentsupporters standfor.Theamountofresearchandliteraturethathismandatespurred to create is impressive, to say the least, and readers might ask themselves why they should engage with yet another book on the subject. Inthefollowingpages,youwillbetakenthroughthecreationofwhat I defined the tale of the mythological figure of Trump as the savior of Christianity. Answers will be provided as to how a figure such as Trump could obtain the success he had, and the historical events that saw the development of the official relation between religion and politics won’t of course be left out. The most important thing readers will encounter, however, are the voices telling this tale. These, belonging to his faithful followers, tell a story of resentment and relief, of threat, fear, and revenge. As unfath- omable as these words might be for many people, and as enraging some oftheirideas,Trumphappened,andhe,likemanysimilarpersonalitiesin western democracies, can’t simply be discarded as a mistake of the past. Berlin, Germany Chiara M. Migliori Acknowledgments I was lucky enough to be part of a program that allowed me to pursue my research in an ideologically unconstrained manner. I was surrounded by colleagues who showed me their support through stimulating conver- sations, challenging discussions, and honest and friendly advice. My supervisors encouraged me throughout and pushed me to face what I thought were unsurmountable limitations. As someone recently told me, “It’s clear that you have extremely supportive friends and a family you can always rely on.” And I don’t take this for granted. The work that made this book possible wouldn’t have stood a chance, hadn’t it been for the help and love of the people surrounding me. Thank you. xi

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