Rebel Prince: The Power, Passion and Defiance of Prince Charles

434 Pages·2018·18.73 MB·English

by  Tom Bower (author)

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William Collins
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This eBook first published in Great Britain by William Collins in 2018
Copyright © Tom Bower 2018
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Source ISBN: 9780008291730
Ebook Edition © March 2018 ISBN: 9780008291754
Version: 2018-03-16
Dedication
To Veronica
Contents
Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Preface
1 New York, 22 September 1999
2 Plots and Counterplots
3 The Masters of Spin
4 Uneasy Lies the Head
5 Mutiny and Machiavellism
6 Body and Soul
7 The Masterbuilder
8 Teasing the Government
9 Diana’s ‘Rock’
10 A Family at War
11 A Butler’s Warnings
12 A Struggle for Power
13 A New Era Begins
14 Shuttlecocks and Skirmishes
15 The Queen’s Recollection
16 A Private Secretary Goes Public
17 Money Matters
18 Whitewash
19 Revenge and Dirty Linen
20 Drowning Not Waving
21 New Enemies
22 For Better or Worse
23 Resolute Rebel
24 Rules of Conduct
25 King Meddle
26 The Divine Prophet
27 Scrabbling for Cash
28 Marking Time
29 The Prince’s Coup
Picture Section
Acknowledgements
Sources
Index
Also by Tom Bower
About the Publisher
Preface
This book is the story of Prince Charles’s battle for rehabilitation after Diana’s
death, and his refusal to obey the public’s expectations of a future king. Many
books have been written about Charles, but none has fully described the crisis he
faced after 1997. For nearly ten years, he was buffeted by scandal. His approval
rating fell to the lowest figure for any royal in recent times. His succession to the
throne was endangered.
Among the most serious disclosures to undermine public confidence in the
prince were those exposed during the unsuccessful prosecution for theft in 2002
of Paul Burrell, Diana’s butler and confidant; the simultaneous revelation of
disreputable behaviour within Charles’s household; and the possibility that he
had personally interfered in the judicial process. At the end of that two-year
drama, Charles’s survival as heir to the throne was on a knife-edge.
Additionally, throughout those years he was repeatedly criticised by the media
and politicians for his extravagances. His father denounced him for being a rent-
a-royal, yet he continued to sell access to himself – to raise money for his many
charities and to indulge in ostentatious luxury. At the same time he provoked a
fractious relationship with Tony Blair in his years as prime minister which
undermined the prince’s constitutional duty to stay impartial. And he blithely
disregarded the disdain of many Commonwealth leaders, which wrecked his
assumption that he would automatically inherit leadership of the association of
fifty-two countries.
During this period of turmoil, one issue dominated Charles’s life – the status
of Camilla Parker Bowles. Ever since they had resumed their relationship in the
mid-1980s, he had stubbornly fought to rescue their reputations. Single-
mindedly he confronted all the Establishment forces, including the queen, who
was determined to prevent their marriage. His principal ally was Mark Bolland, a
young media consultant, who for the first time has revealed in this book the
intrigues that he masterminded on behalf of Charles and Camilla, which
climaxed in their wedding in April 2005. Thereafter, the scandals in Charles’s
life diminished, although it would take another six years before the departure of
his five most senior advisers signalled the end of the turbulence.
By November 2011, Charles’s reputation as a rebel was truly established. Not
only had he defied the nation to marry Camilla, but his championship of
controversial causes including the environment, architecture, fox-hunting,
complementary medicine and education, had aroused fierce opposition – and
also praise. ‘I have never known a man who had better motives for all the trouble
he caused,’ comments Thomas Fowler about the eponymous ‘Quiet American’
in Graham Greene’s novel; the same could be said about Charles. Few doubted
the sincerity of his campaigns, but many feared that his provocative dissent
made him unfit to be king.
He has repeatedly mentioned his devotion to his duty. He believes
passionately that he can make Britain a better country and that he can help the
disadvantaged. Whatever criticisms may be levelled at him have been mitigated,
especially by his admirers, by his commitment to many valuable causes. Many
Britons have personal experience of his dedicated visits to schools, hospitals and
hospices. Carefully briefed, he talks engagingly to staff, pupils and patients,
leaving them all with an enduring memory of his decency.
The contrast for the majority who have not enjoyed a personal encounter is
stark. During the many scandals that would have destroyed a lesser man, there
has been no evidence that he has suffered a moral struggle. Shame and guilt
seem foreign to him. Despite all the eyewitness accounts of his melancholia and
self-doubt, Charles has never admitted any wrongdoing. In general terms, he is
certainly not misunderstood by the public.
My decision to write about such a familiar character was taken after several
months of research. With the exception of Anthony Holden and Jonathan
Dimbleby, most of Charles’s subsequent biographers recite events, statements
and comments in reverential tones. They do him a disservice. In reality, his life
has been a gripping political, financial and personal drama. With hindsight, his
survival today may seem preordained, but there were long periods when his
future was in doubt, especially after Diana’s death. That his conflicts have been
conducted in the spotlight makes his story even more interesting because so
much of what occurred has remained in the shadows. I make no claim to have
unearthed every truth, but after interviewing over 120 people, many of whom
served the royals for long periods and with great distinction and have not given
their accounts before, I believe that this book does reveal many new insights
about the future king.
As with many of the other personalities I have investigated, I started this
biography with limited knowledge about Charles’s life beyond the media
reports. Because I have ‘lived’ with him throughout my life – we are of similar
ages – I could not fail to be conscious of his exceptional tribulations, but I was
unsure how much my research could reveal. The incentive was the suspicion that
Charles, like all powerbrokers, must have deployed guile to conceal his tracks.
In the past, my criteria for choosing a personality to investigate have been his
or her use – and misuse – of fame and fortune to influence society. Newspaper
owners, billionaire tycoons and successful politicians all want to change our
lives, and simultaneously to enhance their own reputations. What has fascinated
me in all those I have previously covered is their climb from obscurity up the
slippery pole, then their battle to stay on top. Along the way they have crushed
rivals and subtly altered their own biographies. Often they have publicly paraded
their service to mankind, while in reality pursuing largely self-interested
agendas.
Charles of course was born at the top of the pole, and though he has not
exactly falsified his life’s story, he has concealed many truths. Determined to be
a figure of consequence – a long-lasting influence is a sign of greatness – he has
used his position since the early 1980s to influence how Britain is governed, and
after the mid-1990s employed his powers as a royal to massage the media in
order to secure his and Camilla’s survival. My quest was to discover how he
manipulated those levers of power.
To my surprise, I found that Charles’s conduct has created a substantial
number of victims, many of whom are saddened over how he acted, both in
general and towards them. His loyalty, like his attention span, is limited.
Embraced today, a favourite can be cast out tomorrow. Like some feudal lord, he
presides at the centre of a court with no place for democracy or dissenting views.
Unlike the queen, with her genius in being able to unite the nation, especially in
difficult times, Charles divides his countrymen. Clearly he enjoys provoking
argument, but only on his terms. He has refused to engage in debate. Advisers
know that to say ‘No’ will simply prompt his search for a replacement who will
say ‘Yes.’ Every decision is his and his alone.
For over thirty years, the Prince of Wales has been prey to his follies. Since
1997 he has resorted to machination and media manipulation to restore his
position. Although the large number of British people who previously supported
the succession passing directly from the queen to William gradually diminished
and then rose again, Charles’s rehabilitation is still unfinished business. His
popularity, as I write in early 2018, remains disconcertingly low.
As a committed monarchist, I want Charles to become king, to bequeath the
throne in a healthy state to his son, whose popularity will protect the institution
during his father’s short reign. Whether and how that happens depends on
Charles’s age at the time of his coronation. At the moment, neither Charles nor
indeed anyone can predict how the country will react to the queen’s death. Will
Britain allow him to inherit the throne smoothly, and watch Camilla anointed as
queen? Or will the nation resent Charles and his final ascent? He will
undoubtedly become king; but the circumstances are in doubt.
The central question posed at this stage of his life is what kind of monarch
will Charles make – given that he is the most unpopular heir for generations.
Had the queen died a decade ago, his controversial interventions could well have
provoked a constitutional crisis. However, over the past seven years he has
moderated his speeches in public, and has tried to encourage the belief that his
takeover will be much more acceptable than even the most loyal monarchist
could have imagined. His efforts have not been wholly convincing. After
speaking to so many of those who have lived with and loved the royals, I share
their trepidation over whether Charles can become a unifying monarch. At the
end of writing this book, I am convinced that he is determined to make his mark
on British history, and will not choose an impartial silence during his inevitably
short reign. He remains a historian, writer and political activist, and will want to
cement Charles III in people’s memories for centuries to come. How he might
achieve that of course remains a puzzle, but to some extent is answered in what
follows.
During my research, I inevitably encountered a large number of different
opinions. All are reflected in the book. Readers will not be surprised that many
of the quotations are anonymous. Those who still associate with Charles and
Camilla – as friends or employees – understandably do not want their
relationship endangered. To protect them, I have made a point of disguising
many of my sources. However, the reader can be assured that every quotation is
accurate and was noted during my interviews. Although the two decades covered
in my book can be understood only by referring to aspects of what went before, I
have restricted such excursions into the past to what is sufficient to understand
the present.
Finally, researching this book has been an unexpected pleasure, not only
because I have come to understand so many previously unknown conflicts and
hitherto imperfectly reported events, but also because Charles emerges as an
exceptional character. Easy to like and easy to dislike, he is the unique product
of Britain’s genius – a rebel prince, eventually to become a rebel king.