Psychopathy as Unified Theory of Crime PDF
Preview Psychopathy as Unified Theory of Crime
MATT DELISI PSYCHOPATHY AS UNIFIED THEORY OF CRIME PALGRAVE’S FRONTIERS IN CRIMINOLOGY THEORY Palgrave’s Frontiers in Criminology Theory Series Editors Matt DeLisi Department of Sociology Iowa State University Ames , Iowa, USA Alex R. Piquero Criminology Program University of Texas at Dallas Richardson , Texas, USA Frontiers in Criminology Theory advances contemporary theory and research on two broad areas of criminological scholarship. The fi rst focal area is on conceptual content areas that seek to explain the etiology and developmental course of antisocial behavior. The series conceptualizes antisocial behavior broadly to acknowledge and incorporate research from multiple disciplinary perspectives including criminology, developmental psychology, sociology, behavior genetics, social work, and related fi elds. Works in this focal area include book-length developments of extant theo- retical ideas, edited volumes of leading research within a specifi c theoretical area (e.g., self-control theory, social learning theory, general strain theory, etc.), and, of course, new theoretical ideas on the causes and correlates of anti-social behavior. The second focal area encompasses the criminology theory of the juvenile justice system, criminal justice system, and allied social service providers. Like focal area one, the criminal justice system is conceptualized broadly to include multiple disciplinary perspectives that advance research on prevention, psychiatry, substance abuse treatment, correctional programming, and criminal justice policy. Works in this focal area include book-length developments of extant topics, edited volumes of leading topics in criminal justice, and, of course, new theoretical and conceptual approaches to the prevention, treatment, and management of criminal justice clients. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/14562 Matt DeLisi Psychopathy as Unifi ed Theory of Crime Matt DeLisi Criminal Justice Studies Iowa State University Ames, USA Palgrave’s Frontiers in Criminology Theory ISBN 978-1-137-46909-0 ISBN 978-1-137-46907-6 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-46907-6 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016951216 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2 016 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the pub- lisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Cover illustration: © Charles Hill / EyeEm / Getty Printed on acid-free paper This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Nature America Inc. New York A CKNOWLEDGMENTS In my career, I’ve written or edited more than 20 books, and the current one was the most enjoyable, and even fun to produce despite the grav- ity of the subject matter. In the academic world of psychopathy, I am a man without a country in the sense that my work is located betwixt and between the academic disciplines of criminology, criminal justice, psy- chology, sociology, and others, and assumptions and content from these, at times, very distinct worlds nevertheless fi gure into my thinking on psychopaths and their criminal careers. This interdisciplinary approach is described in Chap. 1. Because of my disparate and interdisciplinary intel- lectual background (or maybe because I am a heretic of sorts), I found myself disagreeing with various sacred cows found in the psychopathy literature, and at times taking bold stances (in an academic context at least) on the nature of psychopathy, its relation to antisocial conduct, its existence among children and adolescents, and other issues. In that regard, I hope that readers fi nd this book to be thought-provoking and fun even if some of my musings are differentially offensive to the dis- parate worlds of criminology, criminal justice, psychology, sociology, and others. There’s likely something to please and something to annoy everyone in these pages. There are many joys in writing and one of them is the extraordinary amount of learning that occurs. In writing this book, I learned much from clinicians, academicians, and practitioners whose expertise is psychopa- thy. Some of these persons are close friends, some are acquaintances, and some are people I’ve never met. Irrespective of their association to me, I’ve benefi tted greatly from their work and would like to acknowledge v vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Michael Vaughn, Ray Corrado, Glenn Walters, Jesse Cale, Evan McCuish, Jeff Mathesius, Shayne Jones, Robert Hare, Carl Gacono, Olivier Colins, Pedro Pechorro, Hughes Hervé, Daniel Boduzek, Katie Dhingra, Agata Debowska, Adrian Raine, Yaling Yang, Yu Gao, Andrea Glenn, Reid Meloy, Stephen Porter, Michael Woodworth, Lee Robins, Robert Schug, Selma Salihovic, David Farrington, Grazyna Kochanska, Josh Miller, James Blair, Don Lynam, Randy Salekin, Scott Lilienfeld, Jeremy Coid, Steve Hart, Alan Drury, Michael Elbert, Jerry Evans, Henrik Andershed, Stephanie van Goozen, Essi Viding, Paul Frick, James Ray, Catherine Tuvblad, Kent Kiehl, Robert Plomin, Terrie Moffi tt, and Ben Karpman. Thank you for your research and insights into this disorder. This is also my fi rst book with Palgrave Macmillan, a relationship that I look forward to growing into many future projects. I would like to thank Lani Oshima, Mireille Yanow, Julia Willan, and Mara Berkoff for their support and assistance on this project. C ONTENTS 1 Why Psychopathy as Unifi ed Theory of Crime? 1 2 Psychopathy, Its Etiology, and the Nature of Crime 15 3 Psychopathy, Assessment, and the Structure of Crime 61 4 Psychopathy and the Life-Course 97 5 Psychopathy and Criminal Offenders 1 33 6 Psychopathy and Biosocial Criminology 171 7 Psychopathy and the Criminal Justice System 1 97 8 Conclusion 2 25 References 237 Index 2 39 vii CHAPTER 1 Why Psychopathy as Unifi ed Theory of Crime? INTRODUCTION Several professional experiences served as sources of motivation to write a book that presented psychopathy as a unifi ed theory of crime. The fi rst relates to the current author’s clinical experiences as an expert witness and consultant on various criminal cases involving offenders who perpetrated multiple homicides. Almost without exception, despite variation in age, race, ethnicity, and geographic region in which they lived, these defendants were effectively the same person in terms of their life history. To move ret- rospectively, they perpetrated multiple homicides either over an extended period of time or in a single fl ashpoint of violence. These homicides were the crescendo of a long, expansive antisocial career that involved multiple periods of confi nement in prisons, jails, and, before that, commitment facilities and detention centers. Their criminal career displaced any genu- ine involvement in a legitimate career in terms of viable employment or educational achievement. Indeed, the degree to which they were engaged in illegal activities as evidenced by their criminal record was so staggering that it almost seemed mythical. The commitment to antisocial behavior documented by one arrest after another followed by an additional form of punishment after another was nothing less than absurd. It was the same story when reviewing materials on their behaviors during adolescence and during childhood. What was potentially diffi cult to predict at the time became abundantly clear in retrospect: Juvenile delinquent, thug, problem child, angry child, disturbed child, child in need of assistance, and other © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 1 M. DeLisi, Psychopathy as Unifi ed Theory of Crime, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-46907-6_1 2 M. DELISI indicators of behavioral dysfunction were the signals that the individual was sharply different from others in terms of their emotional and behav- ioral functioning. They were s harply different. And this discussion only refers to their behaviors. Their interpersonal style was ugly, mean, unpredictable, blaming, touchy, inconsiderate, and insincere. The only thing more absurd than their criminal careers and their arrest record was the offender’s genuine belief that all of the criminal activ- ity was really other people’s faults. For every arrest, there was a justifi ca- tion; for every violation of probation, there was an excuse; for every prison sentence, there was a claim that the offender was the true victim. According to these offenders, the real victims had it coming, or deserved it, or were also criminals who shouldn’t be felt sorry for. All of this blame externaliza- tion was uttered in a cold, detached, matter-of-fact voice that was absent of emotion other than indignation and self-martyring, or a glimmer of anger. Admittedly, the current author’s expert witness clinical experience involves a relatively small number of cases, but my interaction with the criminal justice system as a practitioner and researcher involves tens of thousands of cases that span the tremendous variance of the criminal pop- ulation. Very few of them were the multiple homicide offenders described earlier. Instead, most offenders in my experience were seemingly norma- tive individuals whose use of alcohol and other substances coincided with their criminal activity. Thus, arrests for driving while intoxicated, public intoxication, disorderly conduct, and related offenses are commonly seen along with occasional assaults against a stranger, usually at a bar or club, or against an acquaintance or intimate, usually in one’s residence. Some offenders also incorporate property offenses, such as theft, credit card fraud, or forgery. Other offenders burgle homes or businesses and then sell the stolen property. A segment of the offender population frequently carries fi rearms and other weapons, and accumulates arrests for more seri- ous crimes including armed robbery, aggravated assaults, and other crimes involving physical force. The latter tens of thousands of cases embody tens of thousands of unique personalities. But there are certainly organizing themes. Offenders have a tendency toward behavioral approach as opposed to behavioral withdraw. They seek sensations, experiences, thrills, and risks. Behavioral approach is usually not the result or outcome of sustained contemplation, but is instead reactionary, hasty, and impulsive. They do not think, and then act. They just act. There is also a sloppiness to their lives that facilitates bad decisions and enables and creates opportunities for bad
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