PROSPER OF AQUITAINE DE PROVIDENTIA DEI SUPPLEMENTS TO VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE Formerly Philosophia Patrum TEXTS AND STUDIES OF EARLY CHRISTIAN LIFE AND LANGUAGE EDITORS j. DEN BOEFT - A.F.J. KLIJN - G. QUISPEL j.H. WASZINK - j.C.M. VAN WINDEN VOLUME X PROSPER OF AQUITAINE DE PROVIDENTIA DEI TEXT, TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY BY MIROSLAV MARCOVICH E.J. BRILL LEIDEN • NEW YORK • K<Z>BENHA VN • KOLN 1989 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Marcovich, Miroslav. Prosper of Aquitaine, De providentia Dei: text, translation, and commentary / by Miroslav Marcovich. p. cm. -- (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, ISSN 0920-623X ; v. 10) ISBN 9004090908 1. Prosper, Aquitanus, Saint, ca. 390-ca. 463. De providentia Dei. 2. Providence and governance of Cod--Early works to 1800. 3. Suffering--Religious aspects--Christianity--Early works to 1800. I. Title. 11. Series. BR65.P6443D45 1989 231 ' . 5--dc20 89-36313 CIP ISSN 0920-623X ISBN 90 04 09090 8 © Copyright 1989 by E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission from the publisher PRINTED IN THE NETHF.RLANDS RY E..J. RRILL EDUARDO DES PLACES, S.1. DDD CONTENTS Preface ................................................ IX Text and Translation Commentary ........................................... 68 Index verborum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 115 Index locorum Sacrae Scripturae .......................... 135 PREFACE At the beginning of the fifth century Gaul had greatly suffered first from a catastrophic flood, second from the equally devastating raids first of the Vandals, then of the Visigoths, lasting ten full years (ca. A.D. 406- 415).1 Finally, at the beginning of 415 king Ataulf left Gaul for Spain (Tarraconensis). Accordingly, the most suitable date for the poem De providentia Dei is A.D. 416. The immediate occasion for the composition of the poem was the suffer ings of the innocent people (38, ultima pertulimus), specifically, the com plaints of the unbelievers, "Why did God allow this to happen? Does He care for the mankind at all?" Consequently, the author's main objective is to prove God's lasting and watchful providence over the universe and mankind (87 -94). And after covering much theological ground in his wide-ranging and learned poem, the author returns to the plight of Gaul in his passionate peroration (897 -972).2 Ca. 860, Hincmar of Rheims (806 - 882) quoted nine passages from our poem (total, 60 lines) in his treatise De praedestinatione dissertatio posterior, while naming Prosper of Aquitaine as their author. 3 Prosper (died after A.D. 455) appears as the author also in the only extant manuscript of the poem-cod. Mazarinensis 3896 (copied ca. 1535)-and in the editio princeps of the Works of Prosper (Lyons, 1539). But already in 1565, Jean Soteaux and Jean Hassels denied the poem to Prosper on the grounds that it contained Pelagian (or rather Semi pelagian) elements, absent in Prosper's works Epistola ad Rufinum, De ingratis, etc.4 And this seems to be the predominant opinion even today.5 I Compare Pierre Courcelle, Histoire littiraire des grandes invasions germaniques, troisieme edition, Paris, 1964, 79 fT., esp. 96-98; Michael P. McHugh, The Carmen de Providentia Dei Attributed to Prosperoj Aquitaine: A Revised Text With an Introduction, Translation, and Notes. Diss., The Catholic University of America, Patristic Studies, Vo!. 98, Washington, 1964, 18 - 24. 2 A deliberate Ringcomposition is enhanced by the repetition of some key words at the beginning and closing of the poem. For example: 9 invictum ... vigorem : 941 animi vigor; 13 strage ruina / : 923 prostrata ruina I; 15 sub tempestate malorum / : 910 sub tempestate laborum /; 34 Geticis : 905 Geticas; 45 popularier igni / : 926 populati cordis in aula /; 46 vasa ministerii : 928 vasa Dei; 59 usta . . . ab urbe : 906 domus usta; 88 and 100 rudibus : 969 rudibus, "the beginners. ' , 3 P.L. 125, pp.442 BC and 445 A-D. 4 Divi ProsperiAquitanici ... Opera. [Studio)oannis Soteaux), Lovanii, ex officina). Bogardi, 1565, fols.179-190. Compare Soteaux's Epistola ad Lectorem: " ... Carmen de providentia Dei a D. Prosperi opusculis removendum duximus, quia Pelagianae doctrinae est, cui Prosper infestissimus foit. Docet enim optimum quemque non plus gratiae accipere a Deo quam pessi mum: sanctos patres ex lege naturae bonos fuisse: a voluntate nostra praeveniri auxilium Dei, et alia multa errori Pelagii consona ... " 5 Compare, e.g., McHugh [supra, n.l), 10-18, esp. p.17 n.37; Aime Solignac, in x PREFACE However, following L. Tillemont (1712),6 Max Manitius (1888- 1891),7 especially L. Valentin (1900),8 and R. Helm (1957),9 I have else where argued for the authorship of Prosper. 10 It suffices here to adduce these two arguments. First, the alleged Semipelagianism cannot serve as an argument against the authorship of Prosper, since we must allow for a personal theological development of the au thor between 416 (De providen tia Del) and 426 - 430 (Epistola ad Rufinum and the poem De ingratis). The same argument applies to the theological evolution of Augustine, who in 428 wrote: Quid autem habes quod non accepisti? Si autem et accepisti, quid glori aris quasi non acceperis? [1 Cor. 4:7]. Quo praecipue testimonio etiam ipse convict us sum, cum similiter errarem, putans fidem, qua in Deum credi mus, non esse donum Dei, sed a nobis esse in nobis, et per illam nos impetrare Dei dona, quibus temperanter et iuste et pie vivamus in hoc saeculo.11 Second, as the Commentary demonstrates, the coincidences in doctrine, imagery, diction and lexicon between De providentia Dei and Prosper's De ingratis and Epigrams are of such a magnitude that they undoubtedly suggest one single poet for all three works. In addition, as U. Moricca (1932)Y especially M.P. McHugh (1964),13 G.E. Duckworth (1968),14 Dictionnaire de spiritualite 12 (Paris, 1985),2452, "Oeuvres d'authenticite peu probable." a 6 Memoires pour servir l'histoire ecclesiastique des six premiers siecles, 16, Paris, 1712, p.731. 7 "Uber das Gedicht de Providentia divina," Zeitschrijt fur die osterreichischen Gymnasien 39 (1888) 580-584; "Beitriige zur Geschichte friihchristlicher Dichter im Mittelalter," SBAkademie Wien 117 (1889), Abh.12, p.20 f.; 121 (1890), Abh.7, p.14; Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie his zur Mitte des 8. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart, 1891, 170-180. 8 Saint Prosper d'Aquitaine. Etude sur la littirature latine ecclisiastique au cinquieme siecle en Gaule. These pour le doctorat ... Bordeaux, Toulouse, 1900, 767 -831 and 893 f. 9 In RE 23 (1957) 884-887, s.v. Prosper Tiro. 10 M. Marcovich, "The Text of St. Prosper's De Providentia Dei," Illinois Classical Studies 8 (1983) 108-121. I argued there that a Christian author of the renown of Prosper, in his Epigrams and De ingratis, could not have borrowed ideas and diction so freely from a contemporary compatriot poet of Gaul without running the risk of being exposed as a plagiarist (109 f.). 11 Augustine, Liber de praedestinatione sanctorum 3.7 (P.L. 44, p.964 B). 12 Storia della let/eratura latina cristiana, IlL 1 , Torino, 1932, p.41 f. 13 Supra, n.l, pp.182-255. 14 "Five Centuries of Latin Hexameter Poetry: Silver Age and Late Empire," T.A.P.A. 98 (1967) 77 -150, esp.126-139 and 144, No.25: "Prosper's De ingratis and the De providentia Dei, of uncertain authorship, are amazingly similar in most important respects; e.g. choice of patterns, distribution of spondees and dactyls, percentage of fourth-foot homodyne, frequency of repeated, opposite, and reverse patterns. We find here strong arguments to support the view that Prosper of Aquitaine was indeed the author of the De providentia Dei. "
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