PRIMETIME PROPAGANDA The True Hollywood Story of How the Left Took Over Your TV Ben Shapiro Dedication To my wife, Mor, whose love, comfort, and understanding make our life journey such a magnificent adventure Contents Dedication Prologue: How Conservatives Lost the Television War Introduction: The Political Perversion of Television The Secret Political History of Television How Television Became Liberal The Clique How Television Stays Liberal A Spoonful of Sugar How Television Comedy Trashes Conservatism Making The Right Cry How Television Drama Glorifies Liberalism “Shut Up and Change the Channel” How the Left Uses the Market Myth to Silence Its Critics The Celluloid Triangle How Interest Groups, Government, and Hollywood Conspire to Keep TV Left The Government-Hollywood Complex How Hollywood Became the Federal Government’s PR Firm Robbing the Cradle How Television Liberals Recruit Kids The End of Television? How to Fix TV Appendix: The Best Conservative Shows in Television History Acknowledgments Notes Index About the Author Also by the Author Credits Copyright About the Publisher Prologue: How Conservatives Lost the Television War “Television! Teacher, mother, secret lover.” —Homer Simpson I was born in the shadow of the Hollywood sign. When the doctors pulled me out of my mom in 1984 at Saint Joseph’s Hospital in Burbank, California, I was two blocks down from the beige buildings housing the sound studios of NBC, where they were busily filming Night Court, starring Harry Anderson. Across the street was the headquarters for Disney, which looked a bit decrepit; a few years later, Disney would refurbish the Team Disney building by adding a façade of the Seven Dwarfs holding up the roof—and a few years after that, Disney would add the ABC buildings to its Burbank estate. Drive down Alameda Boulevard for about a mile, and there stood the massive Warner Bros. studios, complete with enormous posters advertising upcoming TV shows and movies. Keep going, make a right on Lankershim, and you’d be staring at Universal Studios, where Mr. T and the cast of The A-Team were filming on the back lots. I’ve loved Hollywood ever since. Both of my parents work in Hollywood. My cousins, who lived around the corner from our small two bedroom house in Burbank, were Hollywood dreamers too. My aunt got two of my cousins into the movies. One cousin had a bit part in the Tom Hanks vehicle Turner & Hooch. His younger sister became a true Hollywood star, playing the little girl in Mrs. Doubtfire, Richard Attenborough’s Miracle on 34th Street, Matilda, A Simple Wish, and Thomas and the Magic Railroad. My family isn’t unusual in Los Angeles; everybody in Hollywood wants to be “in the biz.” Every waiter writes scripts, goes on auditions, or attends acting class—generally, all three. Everyone has “a project.” Nathanael West labeled California the place where people “come to die.” More accurately, it’s the place where people come to wait tables. I narrowly escaped an acting career in Hollywood myself. When I was fifteen months old, my mom’s friend, Jean, was making a documentary about child care. She asked if my dad could bring me to the filming. Dad agreed, and he talked with me in front of the cameras. Because I was an early talker, Jean was favorably impressed, and suggested that Dad get me into commercials. “He’s cute, he’s bright, he’ll be a natural,” she told him. “You must be nuts,” said Dad. That was the end of my Hollywood acting career. If it hadn’t been for Dad, maybe I’d be giving an inane Oscar speech right now. More likely, I’d be waiting tables. Dad kept me out of TV and movies because he wanted me and my three younger sisters to have a “Norman Rockwell childhood”: two-parent home, no drugs, no alcohol, no premarital sex. That also meant that Dad monitored the sort of TV we watched. When I was growing up, Dad used to go to the video store and pick up old copies of The Dick Van Dyke Show, one of the cleanest shows of all time—Rob (Van Dyke) and Laura (Mary Tyler Moore) have a son, Richie, apparently without copulating, since they sleep in separate beds. As we grew up, Dad tried to ban us from watching most of the contemporary TV shows. The Simpsons was off-limits, as was Friends. Forget about Murphy Brown. These were shows, Dad said, that promoted particular social agendas: the stupidity of fathers, the substitution of friends for family, the normalization of out-of-wedlock pregnancy. Good luck, Dad. My sisters and I ended up watching all the shows our friends watched. So I’ve seen virtually every episode of The Simpsons. I currently own all ten seasons of Friends—my wife is a huge fan, and I gave them to her as a Hanukkah present. I know the ins and outs of Dawson’s Creek, the trials and tribulations of The Practice, even the ups and downs of Becker (there’s not much showing at 3:00 P.M. on TBS). During finals week of my first year at Harvard Law School, I watched the first two seasons of Lost. When I was in college, I staked out a shoot of 24 near my parents’ house for five hours to get a picture with Kiefer Sutherland. Then one day, as I was watching Friends, it struck me: Dad was right. It was “The One with the Birth.” Ross’s lesbian ex-wife, Carol, is having his baby. And Ross is understandably perturbed that Carol and her lesbian lover will be bringing up his child. While Ross is going quietly cuckoo, Phoebe approaches him. “When I was growing up,” she tells him, “you know my dad left, and my mother died, and my stepfather went to jail, so I barely had enough pieces of parents to make one whole one. And here’s this little baby who has like three whole parents who care about it so much that they’re fighting over who gets to love it the most. And it’s not even born yet. It’s just, it’s just the luckiest baby in the whole world.” Pregnant lesbians and three-parent households portrayed as not only normal, but admirable. This wasn’t exactly Dick Van Dyke. And it wasn’t one random episode of Friends. The propagation of liberal values was endemic to the industry. While Ross was busy walking his lesbian ex-wife down the aisle for her wedding to her new lover, Samantha was chatting graphically about oral sex with Charlotte on Sex and the City; Shavonda and Sarah were going topless and French kissing each other on The Real World: Philadelphia; a gay man and a single woman were considering whether to have a baby together on Will & Grace; Kate was deciding in favor of abortion on Everwood; and the city of Springfield was legalizing gay marriage on The Simpsons. It hit me that I was watching the culture being changed before my eyes. These weren’t just television episodes—they were pieces of small-scale, insidiously brilliant leftist propaganda. And they weren’t merely anecdotal incidents. They were endemic to the industry—no matter where I turned, I began to see that liberal politics pervaded entertainment. The shows that pushed the cultural envelope received the greatest media attention and often the greatest number of viewers. The shows that embraced traditional values—well, there weren’t any shows that openly embraced traditional values. The overwhelming leftism of American television was too universal to be merely coincidence. It had to be the product of a concerted effort, a system designed to function as an ideological strainer through which conservatism simply could not pass. And the more I investigated, the more I saw that Hollywood was just that: a carefully constructed mechanism designed by television’s honchos to blow a hole in the dike of American culture. Television’s best and brightest wanted to set America sliding down the slippery slope away from its Judeo-Christian heritage and toward a more cultivated, refined, Europeanized sensibility. And they succeeded. This book tells the story of that success, a success planned by some, coordinated by others, and implemented by a vast group of like-minded politically motivated people infusing their values both consciously and unconsciously into their work. It is no great shocking revelation that television is liberal. Conservatives like Robert Bork and Donald Wildmon, among others, have criticized television for years. Typically, such critics have tackled television from a purely moral perspective, in a tone of opprobrium, responding in a largely sporadic fashion to a series of daily outrages; they pick up on the most egregious abuses of broadcasting liberty, attacking the content that comes across their screens. Everything these critics say is accurate—television has been the most impressive weapon in the left’s political arsenal. But to the evident frustration of conservative cultural critics, this moralistic argument has been utterly ineffective. I know, because I made precisely the same arguments in Porn Generation: How Social Liberalism Is Corrupting Our Future. In that book, I looked at the television industry and analyzed many of the shows on the small screen. Like Bork and Wildmon, I was highly critical of television’s liberal content, and called for a boycott of particular advertisers, as well as tighter FCC regulation of television content. The argument failed for one main reason: television is awesome. Nobody wants to turn off the television because television is great! Television is just too much fun for people to turn it off. We come home from a long day at work and we want to space out, so we flip on the tube. We’ve been doing it for generations. My dad tried the cultural conservative argument—turn off the television and preserve your values!—and we all watched television anyway. Hell, each night after I finished working on that day’s portion of Porn Generation, I flipped on the TV to wind down, and watched some of the very shows I was criticizing. Arguing that television is liberal and that therefore every true conservative should read a book during dinner is unreasonable. No matter how much critics like Bork and Wildmon exhort the public to hit the OFF button, nobody’s responding; indeed, if nothing else is clear by now, it is that conservative critics totally underestimate the staying power and popular appeal of television. Even conservatives who complain about television still watch it—in fact, according to the Hollywood Reporter, conservatives actually boost television’s most successful shows to the top of the ratings.1 Conservative viewers aren’t boycotting advertisers. They aren’t voting with their remotes. They’re watching because they enjoy it. Moreover, even if everything they say is technically correct, cultural conservatives undermine their own credibility on the issue of television by attacking its content. Everybody who watches television has a favorite show. Nobody wants to believe that that show is instrumental in destroying America’s moral fabric. Even more important, most conservatives believe that they are
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