PREFACE 1 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture

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Notes
PREFACE
1 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitude and
Democracy in Five Nations (Princeton University Press, 1963) p. 5.
2 Lucian Pye and Sidney Verba (eds), Political Culture and Political Development
(Princeton University Press, 1965) p. 7.
3 Barrington Moore Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (London:
Allen Lane, 1966).
4 Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (Yale University
Press, 1968).
5 S. M. Lipset, The First New Nation (New York: Basic Books, 1963).
6 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (New York: Alfred Knopf,
English trans., 1883).
NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE: POLITICAL SOCIETY IN THE WEST
See in this connection my Democratic Process in A Developing Sociery, especially
the chapter on 'An Emerging Political Society' (London: Macmillan, 1979)
pp. 12~5.
2 See in this connection John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, a critical
edition with an introduction and apparatus criticus by Peter Laslett
(Cambridge University Press, 1960) p. 351.
3 De Tocq ueville, Democracy in America (N ew York: Alfred Knopf, 1883) vol. I
passim, pp. 299-305. Such an approach is different from the 'macro
sociological' approach of Edward W. Lehman's Political Sociery: A Macro
sociology of Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977).
4 See in this connection Ernest Barker, The Politics of Aristotle (Oxford
University Press, 1969) p. Ii.
5 Ibid., Book IV, p. 155.
6 John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, p. 351.
7 Ibid., p. 356.
8 Ibid., p. 365.
9 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America. Harold Laski said ofthis book,
'It is perhaps the greatest work ever on one country by the citizen of
another.' Quoted in the introduction by Phillip Bradley, p. i.
10 Ibid., pp. 299-300.
11 Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, edited and with an
186
Notes 187
introduction by Talcott Parsons (London: Collier-Macmillan, 1944) p. 12.
12 Ibid., p. 80.
13 See in this connection R. H. Tawney's classic foreword to Max Weber's The
Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, translated by Talcott Parson~ (New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958) p. 10.
14 See in this connection my The Political Theory of John Dewey (New York:
Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 1968).
15 John Rawls, The Theory of Justice (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972) pp.
vii-viii.
16 Ibid., p. 6.
17 'Consensus or Elite Domination: The Case of Business', by J. P. Nettl, in
Studies in British Politics: A Reader in Political Sociology, edited by Richard Rose
(London: Macmillan, 1969) pp. 291-316.
18 See in this connection a highly readable work by T. A. Critchley, The
Conquest of Violence: Order and Liberty in Britain (London: Constable, 1970) pp.
1-2.
19 I'bid., pp. 5--6.
20 A. H. Birch, Representative and Responsible Government: Essays on the British
Constitution (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1964) p. 21.
21 Ibid., pp. 91-2.
22 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, vol. I, p. 297.
23 Ibid., vol. II, p. 3.
24 Seymour Martin Lipset, The First New Nation (New York: Basic Books,
1963) p. 208. Also see in this connection the controversy between Lipset,
Riesman and Whyte on values as causal factors or as by-products of
different kinds of economy and polity with reference to the United States, p.
106.
25 Ralph H. Gabriel, American Value: Community and Change (London: Green
wood Press, 1974) pp. 4-5.
26 In 1837, in his address to Harvard College, Ralph Waldo Emerson said,
'We have listened too long to the courtly muses of Europe' , and now 'we will
walk on our own feet; we will work with our hands; we will speak our own
minds'. Quoted by R. H. Gabriel, American Value: Community and Change,
p.6.
27 S. M. Lipset, The First New Nation, pp. 19-21.
28 See in this connection W. C. Mitchell, The American Polity: A Social and
Cultural Interpretation (New York: The Free Press, 1970) p. 115.
29 See in this connection Theodore Zeldin (ed.), Conflicts in French Society:
Anticlericism, Education and Morals in the Nineteenth Century (London: George
Allen and Unwin, 1970) pp. 10-11.
30 Ibid., p. 229.
31 R. D. Anderson, France 1870-1914: Politics and Society (London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul, 1977).
32 David Thompson, Democracy in France Since 1870 (Oxford University Press,
1964) p. 10.
33 Ibid.
34 Theodore Zeldin,France: 1848-1945, vol. II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977)
p.793.
35 See Jack Hayward, 'Dissentient France: The Counter Political Culture' in
188 Notes
Conflict and Consensus in France, edited by Vincent Wright (London: Frank
Cass, 1979).
36 Ibid., p. 65.
37 See 'Conclusion: The Impact of the Fifth Republic on France' by Stanley
Hoffman in William G. Andrews and Stanley Hoffman (eds), The Fifth
Republic at Twenty (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981) pp.
450-96.
NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO: POLITICAL SOCIETY IN INDIA
Gandhi had said, 'I feel that our progress towards the goal will be in exact
proportion to the purity of means.' Quoted by Raghavan N. Iyer, The Moral
and Political Thought of Mahatma Gandhi (New York: Oxford University Press,
1973) p. 362. But once the use of proper means was established, Gandhi was
very determined on the type of social and political consequences he wanted
from the use of such means.
2 M. K. Gandhi, Satyagraha (Allahabad: All India Congress Committee,
1935) p. 37.
3 Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London:
Faber & Faber, 1970).
4 Erik Erikson has called Gandhi 'a religious actualist' who was drawn to
action by the highest normative considerations which often make people
withdrawn. See in this connection his Gandhi's Truth: On the Origins of
Militant Non-Violence, p. 396.
5 Gandhi wrote in 1920, 'I have found Englishmen amenable to reason and
persuasion, and as they always wish to appear just, it is easier to shame
them than others in doing the right thing.' Quoted by B. R. Nanda, Mahatma
Gandhi: A Biography (Boston: Beacon Press, 1958) p. 516. The technique
which he developed against the British did not work against the Portuguese
on the question of Goa where unarmed freedom fighters used to be mowed
down by Portugese machineguns. In this connection Morarji Desai is
reported to have said that it was Gandhi's genius to have discovered what
would work against the British: non-violence and moral embarrassment.
6 Ibid., p. 211.
7 See in this connection, 'Mahatma Gandhi and Civil Disobedience' by Paul
F. Power in Meaning of Gandhi, ed. Paul F. Power (Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 1971).
8 Jawaharial Nehru, The Discovery of India (London: Meridian Books, 1946) p.
II.
9 Ibid., p. 44.
10 Ibid., pp. 433-4.
II Michael Brecher, Nehru: A Political Biography (Boston: Beacon Press, 1962)
p.233.
12 See in this connection M. N. Das, The Political Philosophy ofJ awaharlal Nehru
(New York: John Day, 1961).
13 Ibid., p. 21.
14 Ibid., p. 99.
Notes 189
15 See for an extensive discussion of the peculiarities of the growth of political
capacity, and factors inhibiting it in various countries, my Political Capacity
in Developing Societies (London: Macmillan, 1981).
16 Quoted by M. N. Das, Political Philosophy ofJ awaharlal Nehru, p. 167.
17 Geoffrey Tyson has put this appropriately: 'he knew that the vast
amorphous mass which is India could only be governed and held together
by a series of compromises; a concession here, a special exception there'.
Nehru: The Years of Power (London: Pall Mall Press, 1966) p. 188.
18 One of the finest expressions of this view came from the Balwatray Mehta
Committee Report on democratic decentralisation. In that Nehru was
quoted as follows: 'to build the community and the individual and to make
the latter the builder of his own village centres and ofIndia in a larger sense
of the term'. Quoted by Balwatray Mehta Committee Report: Report of the
Team for the Study of Community Projects and National Extension Service (New
Delhi, 1957) p. 3.
19 See in this connection D. V. Tahmankar, Sardar Patel (London: George
Allen and Unwin, 1970).
20 A. R. H. Copley, The Political Career if C. Rajagopalachari: A Moralist in Politics
(Delhi: Macmillan, 1978) p. 4.
21 Quoted by R. C. Gupta, Lalbahadur Shastri: The Man and His Ideas (Delhi:
Sterling Publishers, 1966) pp. 51-2.
22 See in this connection J ayaprakash Narayan, A Plea for Reconstruction of
Indian Polity (Rajghat: Kashi, Akhil Bharat Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan) p.
3.
23 Ibid., p. 12.
24 Ibid., p. 23.
25 Socialism, Sarvodaya and Democracy: Selected Works ifJ ayaprakash Narayan, ed.
Bimla Prasad (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1964) p. ix.
26 Ajit Bhattacharjea,jayaprakash Narayan: A Political Biography (Delhi: Vikas,
1975) p. vii.
NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE: NORMATIVE-PRAGMATIC
CONSIDERA TIONS
In the 1960s, in a rural community ofGujarat, in western India, a number of
definitions of what the lokshahi (democracy) was all about, emerged. Some of
these were recorded by me. See in this connection my Democracy and Political
Change in Village India (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1971).
2 In this respect India did not experience the threat of rival ethical notions
implicit in political liberalism, which in turn are themselves rooted in the
Judeo-Christian ethical system. Hinduism, being a belief system with
emphasis on inclusion, synthesis and relativism, did not feel threatened by
rival ethical imperatives. On the contrary, educated Hindus were deeply
fascinated by the values implicit in political liberalism. They even
welcomed its egalitarian and participatory emphasis which appeared to be
a much-needed corrective to the hierarchical notions of their own social
organisation. Political liberalism, therefore, was welcomed by them to fight
the deeply institutionalised inequality in their social system.
190 Notes
3 F. G. Bailey, Politics and Social Change: Orissa in 1959 (California University
Press, 1963) p. 220.
4 See in this connection Lloyd and Susanne Rudolph, The Modernity of
Tradition: Political Development in India (Chicago University Press, 1967) pp.
24-8.
5 See for the details of this process my Democracy and Political Change in Village
India. See also for the urban scene, Brian Howe's fascinating work,
'Intellectuals and Democratic Development: The Case of Modern India'
(Simon Fraser University, unpublished MA Thesis, 1981).
6 For an extended study of this community, particularly how the democratic
process induced changes in it, see my Democratic Process in A Developing Society.
7 Details of this are noted in my 'Social Mobility and Tensions Among the
Patidars of Kaira' in Contributions to Asian Studies, vol. 12 (1979).
8 See in this connection my 'Social Cohesion and Political Clientilism in the
Kshatriyas of Gujarat' in Asian Survey (August 1981).
9 In this connection see my 'Caste and the Decline of Political Homogeneity',
American Political Science Review (1973).
10 See in this connection my 'Implications For Equality in Hinduism' in
Nomos, vol. on Equality, vol. IX (1967).
II For a detailed discussion of this process see my 'Party Linkages and
Strife-Accommodation in Democratic India' in Kay Lawson (ed.), Political
Parties and Linkage (Yale University Press, 1980).
12 Also see my 'Social Perspectives on Political Corruption in India', Political
Science Review Oan.-Dec. 1974).
13 M. K. Gandhi, 'Last Will and Testament' in Pyrelal, Mahatma Gandhi, The
Last Phase (Ahmedabad: Navjivan Press House, 1956) vol. II, pp. 819--20.
This document was prepared by Gandhi a week before he was assassinated.
In it he had expressed grave reservations over a national movement, like the
Congress, converting itself into a party organisation. He was certain that
men in it would abuse their position by using political office for personal
gain.
14 M. K. Gandhi, Satyagraha (191O-1935) (Allahabad: All India Congress
Committee, 1935) p. 2.
15 Ibid., p. 10.
16 Ibid., p. 3.
17 K. Santhanam, Satyagraha and the State (London: Asia Publishing House,
1960) with a preface by B. P. Sinha, the then ChiefJ ustice ofIndia.
18 Ibid., p. viii.
I q Jayaprakash Narayan, Towards Total Revolution, edited and introduced by
Brahmanand (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1978),JP's preface vol. I, p. x
(my italics).
20 "'Nehru Socialism' in Narayan, Towards Total Revolution, vol. II, p. 189.
21 Ibid., vol. II, p. 193.
22 Ghanshyam Shah, Protest Movements in Two Indian States: A Study oft he Gujarat
and Bihar Movements (Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1977) p. viii.
23 Narayan, Towards Total Revolution, vol. IV, p. 36.
24 To JP political resistance to authority, together with punishment for the
breach oflaw, is a dimension that Mahatma Gandhi added to democracy.
To Mahatma Gandhi as well as toJP, 'the citizen has an inalienable right to
Notes 191
civil disobedience'. See in this connectionJayprakash Narayan, 'Testament
of Protest', Far Eastern Economic Review (20 Feb. 1976).
25 JP exhorted the police as follows: 'do your duty but do not act against your
conscience'. Towards Total Revolution, vol. IV, p. 101. And his message to the
army consisted of the following reminder: 'it is the duty of the army, to
defend the Constitution of the country from authoritarian threats. If any
party government or party leader intends to use the army as a means to
further their party interests, it is the clear duty, to my mind, of the army, not
to be so used.' Ibid., p. 146.
26 See in this connection Marcus Franda, Radical Politics in West Bengal (MIT
Press, 1971).
NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR: PROBLEMS OF POLITICAL SOCIETY
'The creation of an Islamic state in South Asia ... was not the work of
clerics and religious divines but rather the determined effort by informed,
westernized, materially conditioned elements .. .' Lawrence Ziring, Paki
stan: The Enigma rif Political Development (Folkestone: Dawson Westview,
1980) p. 24. Also see Khaleed B. Sayeed, Pakistan, The Formative Phase
(London: Oxford University Press, 1968, second edn) for a view on
'nationality based on religion', p. 12.
2 Ziring, Pakistan: The Enigma of Political Development, p. 19.
3 Quoted by RounaqJ ahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration (Columbia
University Press, 1972) p. 109. Also see Lawrence Ziring, The Ayub Khan
Era: Politics in Pakistan, 1958-1969 (Syracuse University Press, 1971); Karl
von Vorys, Political Development in Pakistan (Princeton University Press,
1965); and Wayne A. Wilcox, Pakistan: The Consolidation rif a Nation
(Columbia University Press, 1963).
4 Ziring, Pakistan: The Enigma of Political Development, p. 72.
5 'The secularization of state politics in western societies, although real and
profound by comparative standards, has hardly eliminated religion.' See in
this connection Elbaki Hermassi, The Third World Reassessed (California
University Press, 1980) p. 106.
6 Parveen Feroze Hassan, The Political Philosophy ofI qbal (Lahore: Publishers
United, 1970) p. 257.
7 Asaf Hussein, Elite Politics in an Ideological State: The Case rif Pakistan
(Folkestone: Dawson, 1979) pp. 113-14.
8 Ibid., p. 123.
9 'Bureaucracy in Authoritarian Political System' by C. P. Bhambhri and M.
Bhaskaran Nair in S. P. Varma and Virendra N arain (eds), Pakistan Political
System in Crisis Oaipur: Rajasthan University Press, 1972) p. 81.
10 'The increased power derived from these new functions supported by
substantial American aid enables the bureaucracy not only to pressure itself
but to proliferate its power and diffuse its own attitude and ideology.' Ralph
Braibanti, Research on the Bureaucracy in Pakistan (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 1966) p. 342.
II 'During its rule the BE [Bureaucratic elite] had capitalized on the
192 Notes
disorganization of other elite groups by using the colonial philosophy of
divide and rule. It made no effort to develop political institutions but
through its generalist role-expansion kept other elite groups (except
military) dependent on itself.' Hussein, Elite Politics in an Ideological State, p.
73.
12 Ibid., p. 126.
13 Ibid.,p.127.
14 E. Beeri maintained in his Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society that 'Islam
endows army with prestige and authority of an institution meriting divine
blessing and its heritage paves the way for military intervention which is to
be regarded most fitting and proper in the eyes of God and man'. Quoted by
Hussein, Elite Politics in an Ideological State, p. 127.
15 Jahan, Pakistan: Failure in National Integration, pp. 149--56.
16 'Bangladesh in 1977: Dilemmas of the Military Rulers', by M. Rashiduz
zaman, Asian Survry (Feb. 1978) pp. 126-30.
17 Azizul Haque, 'Bangladesh 1979: Cry For a Sovereign Parliament', Asian
Survry, vol. xx (1980). Also Mohammad Mohabat Khan and Habib
Mohammad Zafarullah, '1979 Parliamentary Elections in Bangladesh',
Asian Survry, vol. 19 (1978); Kamal Hossain, 'Political Development in
Bangladesh: Promise and Reality' in A. H. Somjee (ed.), 'Rethinking in
Political Development', Contributions to Asian Studies, vol. 14 (1979).
18 Tushar Kanti Baru, Political Elite in Bangladesh: A Socio-Anthropological and
Historical Ana{ysis of the Processes of Their Formation (Bern: Peter Lang, 1978)
pp. 22-4, 29 and 44.
19 Ibid.,pp.190-3.
20 See for a historical background of Muslim elite A. K. Nazmul Karim, The
Dynamics of Bangladesh Society (Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1980).
21 A. J eyaratnam Wilson, Politics in Sri Lanka: 1947-1973 (London: Macmillan,
1973) p. 12.
22 Urmila Phadnis, Religion and Politics in Sri Lanka (New Delhi: Manohar,
1976) p. 5.
23 Ibid., p. 24.
24 Ibid., p. 119.
25 Ibid., p. 169.
26 Ibid., p. 244.
27 Janice Jiggins, Caste and Fami{y in the Politics of the Sinhalese (Cambridge
University Press, 1979) p. 147.
28 Ibid., p. 19.
29 Ibid., p. 27.
30 Ibid., p. 127.
31 Ibid., p. 96.
32 Ibid., p. 118.
33 Robert N. Kearney, 'Language and the Rise of Tamil Separatism in Sri
Lanka', Asian Survry, vol. XVIII (1978) p. 528.
34 Ibid., p. 529.
35 W. I. Siriweera, 'Recent Developments in Sinhala-Tamil Relations', Asian
Survry, vol. xx (Sept. 1980) pp. 906-7.
36 W. A. Wiswa Warnapala, 'Sri Lanka's New Constitution', Asian Survry, vol.
xx (Sept. 1980) p. 924.
Notes 193
37 According to A. Jeyaratnam Wilson, the cardinal principles of Buddhism
provide 'a foundation for the advocacy of peace and compromise and a
middle-path solution to vexed problems', Politics in Sri Lanka: 1947-1973, p.
59.
38 W. Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas rif a New Nation (Princeton
University Press, 1960) p. 460. Also see Norman D. Palmer, Elections and
Political Development: The South Asian Experience (Durham: Duke University
Press, 1975) pp. 190--8.
39 Muhammad Asad, The Principles rif State and Government in Islam (California
University Press, 1961).
40 Majid Khadduri, Political Trends in the Arab World (London: Johns Hopkins
Press, 1970) p. ix.
41 Ibid., p. 213.
42 Elbaki Hermassi, The Third World Reassessed (California University Press,
1980) p. 109.
43 Serif Mardin, 'Opposition and Control in Turkey', Government and Opposi
tion, vol. 3 (1966) pp. 380--1.
44 Hermassi, The Third World Reassessed, pp. 96-9.
45 Ibid., p. 107. Also see James A. Bill and Carl Leiden, Politics in the Middle
East (Toronto: Little, Brown and Co., 1979). Within 'Quran's truth [there]
is a prescription for regulating the political and social affairs of man. Islam
makes no distinction between the state and realm of believers. In theory at
least there is nothing to render unto Caesar' (p. 41).
46 See in this connection Robert Bellah, Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in the
Post-Traditional World (New York: Harper and Row, 1970) p. 153. My italics.
Also P. J. Vatikiotis's remark that 'the Arabs have not yet experienced a
political revolution under nationalism, i.e., a fundamental change that
produced a new principle of authority, political organization and style of
political life', Conflict in the Middle East (London: George Allen & Unwin,
1971) p. 25.
47 Robert Bellah, Beyond Belief, p. 152.
48 C. H. Moore has maintained that 'Islam, unlike Christianity, was never
effectively institutionalized. Islam has never provided a counterbalance to
arbitrary rulers nor checked their ambition by imposing a clearly delin
eated, theoretical guideline to circumscribe the exercise of secular power'.
Quoted by George Lenczowski (ed.), Political Elite in the Middle East
(Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute For Public Policy
Research, 1975) p. II.
49 Quoted in Hermassi, Third World Reassessed, p. 114.
50 J. A. Bill and Carl Leiden, Politics in the Middle East, p. 135.
51 Manfred W. Wenner, 'Saudi Arabia: Survival of Traditional Elite' in Frank
Tachau (ed.), Political Elite and Political Development in the Middle East (New
York: John Wiley and Sons, 1975) p. 163. Also see in this connection
Marlene R. Hancock, 'The Role of the Elite in Political Development: The
Case of Saudi Arabia' (unpublished MA thesis: Simon Fraser University,
1982).
52 Manfred Wenner in Frank Tachau (ed.), Political Elite and Political
Development in the Middle East, p. 168.
53 It is said that there are now (l980s) more American-trained PhDs in the
194 Notes
Saudi cabinet than in the cabinet of the President of the United States, Bill
and Leiden, Politics in the Middle East.
54 Wenner, 'Saudi Arabia', p. 173.
55 Ibid., p. In
56 Frederick W. Frey, 'Patterns of Elite Politics in Turkey' in Political Elite in the
Middle East, ed. George Lenczowski (Washington, DC, 1975) p. 4.
57 Joseph S. Szyliowiez, 'Elites and Modernization in Turkey' in Political Elites
and Political Development in the Middle East, ed. Frank Tachau (New York:
John Wiley and Sons, 1975) p. 25.
58 Frey, 'Patterns of Elite Politics', p. 50.
59 Serif Mardin, 'Opposition and Control in Turkey', Government and Opposi-
tion, vol. 3 (1966) p. 380. My italics.
60 Frey, 'Patterns of Elite Politics', p. 66.
61 Mardin, 'Opposition and Control in Turkey', p. 380.
62 See for the background of elections in Turkey, Michael Steed and Neriman
Abadan, 'Four Elections of 1965', Government and Opposition (1965) and Dogu
Ergil, 'Turkey', in Electoral Politics in the Middle East, ed. Jacob M. Landau,
Erg-un Ozbudun and Frank Tachau (Stanford University Press, 1980).
63 Manfred Halpern, The Politics rif Social Change in the Middle East and North
Africa (Princeton University Press, 1963) p. 130.
64 Ibid., p. 130.
65 James A. Bill and Carl Leiden, Politics in the Middle East, p. 4.
66 George Bennett, Kenya, A Political History. The Colonial Period (London:
Oxford University Press, 1963).
67 Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya: The Tribal Life of the Kikuyu (London:
Seeker and Warburg, 1953).
68 Ibid., pp. 13-4.
69 Carl G. Roseberg Jr. and John Nottingham, The Myth of 'Mau Mau'
Nationalism in Kenya (London: Pall Mall Press, 1966) p. xvi.
70 Such a sentiment was effectively summarised by Jomo Kenyatta in the
preface to his book: He said, 'I am well aware that I could not do justice to
the subject [of Kikuyu social life and problems] without offending those
"professional friends of the Africans" who are prepared to maintain their
friendship for eternity as a sacred duty, provided only that the African will
continue to play the part of an ignorant savage so that they can monopolise
the office of interpreting his mind and speaking for him. To such people,
who writes a study of this kind is encroaching on their preserve. He is a
rabbit turned poacher.' Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya, p. xviii.
71 See for a detailed account of this H. E. Lambert, Kikuyu Social and Political
Institutions (London: Oxford University Press, 1956).
72 Donald Rothchild, Racial Bargaining in Independent Kenya (London: Oxford
_ University Press, 1973) p. 62.
73 Ibid., p. III.
74 Colin Leys, Underdevelopment in Kenya (London: Heinemann, 1975) p. 170.
75 Oginga Odinga, Not Yet Uhuru (freedom) with an introduction by Kwame
Nkrumah (London: Heinemann, 1967).
76 Donald Rothchild, Racial Bargaining in Independent Kenya, p. 16l.
77 G. O. Olusanya, Second World War and Politics in Nigeria: 1939-1953 (Lagos:
University of Lagos, Evans Brothers, 1973) p. Il.
Notes 195
78 K. W. J. Post, The Nigerian Federal Election of 1959 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1963) p. 13.
79 Ibid., p. 36.
80 See in this connection John N. Paden's 'Urban Pluralism, Integration, and
Adaptation of Communal Identity of Kano' in From Tribe to Nation in
Africa: Studies in Incorporation Process, ed. Ronald Cohen and John Middleton
(Scranton, Pennsylvania: Chandler Publishing, 1970).
81 D. R. Smock and Swamenda and Bentsi-Enchill (eds), TheSearchfor National
Integration in Africa (New York: Free Press, 1975) p. vii.
82 H. O. Davies, QC, Nigeria: Prospectsfor Democracy (London: Weidenfeld and
Nicolson, 1961) p. 24.
83 See James O'Connell, 'Authority and Community in Nigeria' in Robert
Melson and Howard Walpole (eds), Nigeria: Modernization and Politics of
Communication (Michigan State University Press, 1971).
84 See in this connection Claudio Veliz, The Centralist Tradition ofL atin America
(Princeton University Press, 1980) p. 3.
85 Charles Anderson quoted by Robert F. Adie and Guy E. Poitras, Latin
America: The Politics of Immobility (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall,
1974).
86 Ibid., pp. 25CHI.
87 See in this connection a highly perceptive group of essays by Howard J.
Wiarda, Corporatism and National Development in Latin America (Boulder,
Colorado: West View Press, 1981) p. 353.
88 Ibid., p. 52.
89 Ibid., p. 69. There is a considerable divergence of views on corporatism
among scholars; Anderson views it as a general pattern of Latin American
polity; Wiard a as something which is influenced by other policy and
ideological strands; Collier, Erikson, Glade, Kaufman, Malloy, Purcell,
Stevens and Weinstein view it as a flexible structure; and O'Donnell
and Schmitter as something of an authoritarian-bureaucratic pheno
menon.
90 Ibid., p. 214.
91 Ibid., p. 215-16.
92 See in this connection Guillermo A. O'Donnell, 'Corporatism and the
Question of the State' in Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America, ed.
James M. Malloy (University of Pittsburg Press, 1977) pp. 52-77.
93 See Chalmers, 'The Politicized State in Latin America', ibid., p. 25.
94 See in this connection Frank Bonilla, 'A National Ideology for Develop
ment: Brazil' in K. H. Silvert (ed.), Expectant Peoples: Nationalism and
Development (New York: Random House, 1963) p. 232.
95 Ibid., p. 233.
96 Juan]. Linz, The Future of Authoritarian Situation on the Institutional
ization of an Authoritarian Regime: The Case of Brazil' in Alfred Stepan
(ed.), Authoritarian Brazil: Origins, Policies, Future (Yale University Press,
1973) p. 235.
97 Stepan, 'The New Professionalism of Internal Warfare and Military Role
Expansion', ibid., p. 50.
98 See in this connection Riordan Roett, Brazil: Politics in a Patrimonial Society
(New York: Praeger Publishers, 1978) p. IOI.