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Political Legitimacy in Asia: New Leadership Challenges PDF

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Political Legitimacy in Asia Palgrave Series on Asian Governance Series editors: Michael Wesley, Lowy Institute for International Policy, Australia Patrick Weller, Griffith University, Australia Published by Palgrave Macmillan: Dissident Democrats: The Challenge of Democratic Leadership in Asia Edited by John Kane, Haig Patapan, and Benjamin Wong China’s “New” Diplomacy: Tactical or Fundamental Change? Edited by Pauline Kerr, Stuart Harris, and Qin Yaqing Corruption and Money Laundering: A Symbiotic Relationship By David Chaikin and J. C. Sharman India- Pakistan: Coming to Terms By Ashutosh Misra China Engages Global Health Governance: Responsible Stakeholder or System- Transformer? By Lai- Ha Chan Political Legitimacy in Asia: New Leadership Challenges Edited by John Kane, Hui- Chieh Loy, and Haig Patapan Political Legitimacy in Asia New Leadership Challenges Edited by John Kane , Hui- Chieh Loy , and Haig Patapan POLITICAL LEGITIMACY IN ASIA Copyright © John Kane, Hui- Chieh Loy, and Haig Patapan, 2011. Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2011978-0-230-33753-4 All rights reserved. First published in 2011 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN® in the United States— a division of St. Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the world, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-34102-3 ISBN 978-1-137-00147-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9781137001474 Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Political legitimacy in Asia : new leadership challenges / edited by John Kane, Hui-Chieh Loy, and Haig Patapan. p. cm.— (Palgrave series on Asian governance) Includes index. 1. Legitimacy of governments— Asia. 2. Asia—Politics and government—1945– I. Kane, John, 1945 Apr. 18– II. Loy, Hui-Chieh, III. Patapan, Haig, 1959– JQ24.P66 2011 320.95—dc23 2011019054 A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Newgen Imaging Systems (P) Ltd., Chennai, India. First edition: November 2011 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contents Acknowledgments vii 1 Introduction 1 John Kane, Hui- Chieh Loy, and Haig Patapan 2 Reclaiming Legitimacy in Postrevolutionary China: Bringing Ideology and Governance Back In 17 Heike Holbig 3 Political Legitimacy in Vietnam under Challenge 39 Carlyle A. Thayer 4 The Struggle for Political Legitimacy in Thailand 61 Björn Dressel 5 Political Legitimacy in Indonesia: Islam, Democracy, and Good Governance 85 G reg Barton 6 Legitimacy in Malaysia: Dilemmas and Deficits 1 05 W illiam Case 7 The Political Legitimacy of the PAP Government in Singapore 127 Benjamin Wong and Xunming Huang 8 From Coup d’état to “Disciplined Democracy” in Burma: The Tatmadaw’s Claims to Legitimacy 149 Stephen McCarthy 9 Legitimacy Deficit in Japan: The Road to True Popular Sovereignty 173 Haruko Satoh vi Contents 10 Political Legitimacy in an Unconsolidated Democratic Order: The Philippines 195 Noel M. Morada 11 Political Legitimacy in South Korea 217 Hun Joon Kim 12 Democratization as a Legitimacy Formula: The KMT and Political Change in Taiwan 239 Naiteh Wu and Tun- jen Cheng 13 Justice and the Problem of International Legitimacy 261 John Kane and Haig Patapan Contributors 279 Index 281 Acknowledgments This book has its origins in the international workshop T he Search for Legitimacy in Asia , held at the National University of Singapore on 27–28 July 2009. We thank all those who took part in the workshop, especially the discussants for their thoughtful comments and helpful suggestions. Papers from the workshop were subsequently pub- lished in a special issue of the journal P olitics and Policy (38 [3] [June 2010]). We gratefully acknowledge the editors of Politics and Policy , Emma R. Norman and David Mena Alemán, as well as Associate Editor Riccardo Pelizzo, for their warm generosity, encouragement, and sup- port. We also thank John Wiley & Sons, Inc., for permission to repro- duce material from the special issue of the journal. After this publication we came to the conclusion that recent changes warranted a reconsideration of the evolving nature of legitimacy in the countries examined in the special issue. In addition, to provide a more comprehensive picture of the dynamics of legitimacy in Asia we thought it necessary to examine other countries in the region. Accordingly, we invited new contributions on Taiwan, the Philippines, and Korea. As a result we believe this book provides an extensive, rich, and contempo- rary account of the evolving foundations of legitimacy in Asia. Finally, we are pleased to acknowledge the research assistance of Lee Morgenbesser and Jonathan Sim, and more generally, the Department of Philosophy, National University of Singapore, the Griffith Asia Institute and the Centre for Governance and Public Policy, Griffith University, and the Australian Research Council Discovery Funding Scheme for their support on this project. Chapter  Introduction John Kane, Hui- Chieh Loy, and Haig Patapan In this book we explore the theory and practice of political legit- imacy through a detailed examination of 11 countries in East Asia: China, Japan, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Singapore, Burma, the Philippines, South Korea, and Taiwan. Sixteen years ago, Muthiah Alagappa (1995, 4) noted that “[d]espite its central- ity, political legitimacy in developing countries has seldom been studied explicitly.” Alagappa’s (1995) edited book, P olitical Legitimacy in Southeast Asia: The Quest for Moral Authority , richly addressed this deficit with studies of seven countries in South East Asia— Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, and Vietnam. Reflecting on that work, we cannot help but be struck by the changes that have taken place in the decade- and-a - half since its publication. It is not simply the subsequent economic boom and crisis or the inevitable transformations in each country that draws our attention. It is the increasing importance of Asia in an international context and, by implication, the challenges and opportunities such internationalization presents to each country in the region. How the balance of threats and opportunities inherent in such changing circumstances will work out depends in no small part upon the capacity of nations to manage both their internal politics and their relations with one another, factors that are highly interdependent in a globalized environment. As the chapters in this book reveal, among the principal challenges facing political leaders in East Asia are challenges to their own gov- ernmental legitimacy. These chapters also disclose great complexity in the way legitimacy issues play out in particular contexts and circum- stances. As is seen from the cases examined, the grounds of domestic legitimacy are often shifting and are deeply contested by various soci- etal actors and sectors, creating highly intricate and sometimes volatile 2 John Kane, Hui- Chieh Loy, Haig Patapan political dynamics. This domestic complexity is exacerbated by the subtle or direct influences of external forces originating in the inter- national community, many members of which are far from indiffer- ent to the internal political arrangements of their fellows. In fact, the increasing economic integration fostered by a globalizing age has not made the issue of political legitimacy any less salient; if anything, eco- nomic integration has made the issue more pressing and more difficult to manage diplomatically. The concluding chapter of this book argues, indeed, that the overly simplistic (and contradictory) views regarding legitimacy that the Western international order fostered over several centuries have provided inadequate conceptual formulations for dealing with the on-t he-g round complexities of less- than-d emocratic develop- ing nations. As developing nations become increasingly entangled in the international economic order, this lack becomes an issue in a way that it was not when the world was sharply ideologically divided, as a glance at history reveals. The immediate post–World War II world order was character- ized by two parallel lines of development: the entrenchment of liberal democratic politics and capitalistic economic development within the countries that formed what we know as “the West,” and patterns of increasingly open reciprocal trade between Western nations. This order, endorsed by the hegemonic authority and backed by the economic power of the United States, was originally intended to be universally inclusive but soon confronted the realities of the Cold War. Instead of a truly global order, there was established instead a clearly delimited liberal, democratic, and capitalistic bloc opposed by a communistic one, each with its own ideas about political and economic development. These blocs formed two “worlds,” each competing for influence and natural resources among the developing nations of the so- called Third World. The last, whether they leaned toward one of the two blocs or tried des- perately to maintain a policy of nonalignment, remained for the most part as severely dependent on external powers as many of them had formerly been on colonial masters. The logic of these international arrangements was shattered by the collapse and breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and 1990s, posing new doubts and questions for all parties. The main issue fac- ing members of the triumphant First World was whether their unity had been founded on anything more than the now defunct common fear of the communist enemy, or whether it was based upon deeper cultural, economic, and political connections conducing to peaceful interdependence (Mearsheimer 2001). Contrary to the expectations of

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