Political Agroecology in Mexico: A Path toward Sustainability

13 Pages·2017·0.22 MB·English

sustainability
Review
Political Agroecology in Mexico: A Path
toward Sustainability
VíctorM.Toledo1,*andNarcisoBarrera-Bassols2
1 InstitutodeInvestigacionesenEcosistemasySustentabilidad,
AutonomousNationalUniversityofMexico(UNAM),Morelia,Michoacán58190,Mexico
2 FacultaddeCienciasPolíticasySociales,AutonomousUniversityofQuerétaro,
SantiagodeQuerétaro76017,Mexico;[email protected]
* Correspondence:[email protected];Tel./Fax:[phone]
AcademicEditors:ManuelGonzálezdeMolinaandGloriaGuzman
Received:12December2016;Accepted:7February2017;Published:14February2017
Abstract: The biocultural richness of Mexico is among the highest worldwide. A history of over
7000 years of agriculture, and a persistent tradition of peasant social resistance movements that
climaxed during the agrarian revolution in the early 20th century, continued in the indigenous
resistance inChiapas leadingto theZapatista uprising in1992, andcontinuesto beexpressedin
presentlocalandregionalconfrontationsforthedefenseofterritory. Scholarsagreethatagroecology
conceptually includes ecological and agricultural scientific research activity, empirical practices
appliedforagriculture,andthenucleargoalofnumerousruralsocialmovements. Whathasnot
beensufficientlyestablishedishowthesethreespheresofagroecologyinteractwitheachotherand
whatemergentsynergiestheygenerate. TakingasanexampletheproductioninMexicoofthree
keyagriculturalgoods—maize,coffee,andhoney—ourpaperbrieflyreviewstheexistingrelations
betweenknowledgegeneration,agroecologicalpractices,andruralsocialprocesses. Weconcludeby
reflectingontheroleofagroecologicalresearchinthecontextofanagrariansustainabilitycommitted
to helping reduce social inequity, marginality, and exploitation, as much as reverting the severe
deteriorationofthenaturalenvironment: bothcommonissuesincontemporaryMexico.
Keywords: agroecology;agrariansustainability;maize;coffee;honey-bee;Mexico
1. Introduction
Agroecology is an emerging field of knowledge involved in offering solutions to the serious
environmentalandfoodproductionproblemsincitedbymodernorindustrializedagricultureand
agribusinessintheentireworld[1]. Asahybriddiscipline,agroecologyadoptsamulti-disciplinary
scope: As a post-normal science, it seeks to be not only applied knowledge but also an example
of participatory research, and as a form of critical thinking, agroecology engages in contesting
socialinequityasmuchasenvironmentaldisturbances. Scholarsagreeonagroecologyconceptually
includingthreespheresordimensionsasasortofholytrinity: ecologicalandagriculturalscientific
research,empiricalpracticesappliedforagriculture,andanobjectiveofseedingnumerousruralsocial
movements[2–4].
While scientific and practical dimensions of agroecology refer to cognitive and technological
fields, respectively, the third dimension is linked to the social movements and political actions of
agrarian communities. As pointed out by Rosset and Martinez-Torres [5], many actors including
peasants,ruralhouseholds,indigenouspeople,rurallandlessworkersandwomen,amongothers,use
agroecologyasatoolforthecontestationanddefenseoftheirterritoriesandnaturalresources,their
lifestyles,andtheirbioculturalheritages.
Sustainability2017,9,268;doi:10.3390/su9020268 www.mdpi.com/journal/sustainability
Sustainability2017,9,268 2of13
In Latin America in general, the practice of agroecology involves scientific and technological
researchmadeincloserelationtoruralsocialandpoliticalmovements,atrendthathasexperiencedan
unprecedented expansion and multiplication in many countries of the region [6–8]. Agroecology
is practiced by tens of thousands of peasant households in Latin America as a result of either
social movements or implementation of public policies, with extraordinary advances in Brazil,
Cuba, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, México, and Bolivia, and with moderate achievements
inArgentina, Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, andEcuador. Itthereforecanbesaidthatthedominant
trendofagroecologyinLatinAmericaispoliticalagroecology,understoodasthepracticeofagroecology
acknowledgingthatagrariansustainabilitycannotbeachievedsimplybytechnologicalinnovations
of environmental or agronomic nature, but also by a much-needed institutional change in power
relations,i.e.,bytakingintoaccountsocial,cultural,agricultural,andpoliticalfactors[9].
The several approaches and perspectives of agroecology as a science, which imply an ample
diversityofinterpretationsandapplications,havebeenextensivelydiscussedanddebatedinrecent
years(seeforinstanceseveralchaptersofarecentbook[10]),includingitslegitimacyandsuitability
in the heterogeneous world’s food system [11]. Moreover, some authors define agroecology as a
transdisciplinary,participatory,andaction-orientedapproach[12],andmanymoreofthemconsider
agroecologyasanewexpressionofPAR(ParticipatoryAction-Research)[13],thatemergedthrough
theworkcarriedoutbyThirdWorldsocialscientistssincemorethanthreedecadesago,andasan
innovativeapproachpromotingsocialchange[14]. However,noneofthemhavepaidattentiontothe
linksandinteractionsbetweenthethreespheresofagroecologyuntilnow.
With the aim of contributing to the understanding of the synergies generated through the
interactionoftheabove-mentionedthreespheresordimensionsinvolvedinagroecology,inthispaper
wemakeabriefreviewofpoliticalagroecologyinMexico. Ourhypothesisisthatassocialmovements
stimulate the advance of scientific and technological research, social rural sectors are reciprocally
benefiting from scientific and technological innovations in a sort of a co-evolutionary process, or
asaco-productionofscientific/technologicalandlocal“knowledgethoughts”andpractice[15,16].
Inordertotestourhypothesis,wehereexaminethreekeysectorsofsmall-scalepeasantagroecological
productioninthecountry: themilpasystemofproducingmaizeasapolyculture,theshade-grown
coffeeagroforestrysystems,andhoneyproductionsystems.
2. TheMexicanAgrarianContext
Mostoftheworld’sagriculturalproductioncontinuestobepracticedbypeasants,orsmall-scale
traditional farmers, whose knowledge and practices are the product of over 10,000 years of
tradition[17,18]. ThefacthasbeencorroboratedbyrecentstudiesmadebytheFAOshowingthatthe
bulkofthefoodstuffsdestinedtofeedtheoversevenbillionhumansontheplanetareproducedby
smallhouseholdproducers. ThisrecognitionledtheFAOtodeclaretheyear2014asInternationalYear
ofFamilyFarming[19]. AstudymadebytheinternationalnongovernmentalorganizationGRAINin
2015[20]complementedthecontributionoftheFAObyadjustingthefiguresintermsoflandtenure,
confirmingthatsmall-scalefarmersproducemostofthefoodgloballyconsumedbyhumans,buton
theothersideaddingthattheydosoonlyon25%ofthetotalagriculturallandsurface.
This fact acquires particular importance in Latin America due to the social and cultural
characteristicsofitsruralareasinhabitedby65millionpeasants,ofwhichbetween40and55million
arepartofvariousindigenousethnicgroupsspeakingover1000languages[21]. WithinLatinAmerica,
Mexicohasaspecialplaceinagriculturalterms,becauseoverhalfofitsterritory(over104million
hectares)isownedbysmall-scaleproducersintegratedinsocialfarmingunits(ejidosandpeasant
communities) that are responsible for the largest surface used for production of basic grains and
other foodstuffs in the country. This situation is the product of the early 20th century agrarian
revolution in Mexico that became incorporated in the Mexican 1917 Constitution, which lead to
thedismantlingoflargeestates(haciendas)andthefractionationoftheterritoryintothousandsof
productiveunits. Until1910, theagrarianstructureofMexicoincluded5932haciendasoccupying
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94%ofthetotallandsurface,32,557ranchersowning5%oftheland,andtheremaining1%ofthe
landwasinhandsofpeasantcommunitiesandnativepeoples[22]. Thissocialtransformationalso
causedthecountrytobere-indigenizedbythereturnofasubstantialportionoftheterritoriestothe
originarypeoples—descendantsoftheMesoamericancivilizationwithover7000yearsofagricultural
tradition—currently owing 28 million hectares of the national territory [23]. This repossession of
landisseeninthedemographicupturnexperiencedduringthepast15yearsbyindigenouspeoples,
whichpassedfrom10to12millionintheyear2000toover25millionin2015,makingMexicothe
countrywiththelargestindigenouspopulationintheAmericancontinent. Atpresent,31,500ejidos
andpeasantcommunitiesown54%ofthetotalagriculturallandofMexico,whichaddedto35.7%of
thattotalownedby1.6millionsmall-scalelandholders(mostowningfivehectaresorless),accounts
for90%thecountry’sterritorybeinginhandsofsmall-scalefarmers[24].
Based on a study of current sustainable projects in Mexico, carried out by Toledo and
Ortiz-Espejel [25], which offers a general perspective of the number and distribution of potential
agroecologicalprojectsinMexico,wewillbrieflyreviewthreeofthemostimportantagroecological
production sectors in the country: maize production in milpas, shade-grown coffee, and
honeyproduction.
3. AgroecologyandMaizeProduction
The most frequent and extended food producing system in rural landscapes of Mexico is the
milpa (name derived from the Nahuatl words, milli, crop field and pan, on top of), a polyculture
system with at least 9000 years of antiquity, which has maize as its main crop. Mexico is the
repository of over 65 races of maize cultivated throughout the country that are the result of the
millenarian coevolution between the cereal and Mesoamerican indigenous peoples and peasants,
whichtraditionallymanaged,domesticated,diversified,andenhanceditinaprocessthatcontinues
to this day. In Mesoamerica, the Mexican Neolithic Revolution not only implied the invention of
maizeandnearly200othercropplants[26],butalsothecreationofthemilpainwhichnumerousand
variedannual,biannual,semi-domesticated,andtoleratedplantspeciescoexistincropassociations
that depend on the biocultural regions of farmers. Currently, native seeds of maize are sown by
twoandahalfmillionpeasanthouseholdsinmediumtolowproductivitylandsextendingoverone
halfofthetotalagriculturalsurfaceofMexicoandinproductionunitsoflessthanfivehectares[27]
Supplementedbyothercropsofthemilpa—suchasbeans,squash,chilipepper,amaranth,andseveral
speciesofediblegreens(quelites)—maizecontinuestobethestaplefoodstuffofMexicans.
Geneticcontaminationofnativemaizewasdiscoveredduringthepasttwodecadesinindigenous
territoriesandpeasantcommunitiesofMexico[28–33],exhibitingthepotentialarrivalofgenetically
modifiedmaizetoMexicoandtriggeringacountrywideupraiseofunprecedentedsocialresistance[34],
a social movement that receives strong influence from agroecological principles. This resistance
movementhasbeennurturedaturban,peasant,scientific,cultural(intellectualandartistic)national,
regional,andlocalscales,andindigenouspeoples’claimsthatweresynthesizedintheslogan“without
maize,thereisnocountry”(inSpanish“sinmaíznohaypaís”). Withinthecontextofthissocialstruggle,
adiversearrayofindigenousandpeasantcommunitieshavelocallyundertakenactionsadaptedto
theirownculturalandenvironmentalcircumstances,whichledtotheelaborationandpopularization
ofpoliticaldiscoursesandpracticesinwhichmaizeappearsastheemblematiciconoftheirdemands.
ConsideringtheongoingprocessoferosionoftheMesoamericanagro-biodiversitytakingplacein
territoriesofindigenousandpeasantcommunities,theirclaimsareultimatelyexpressingrejection
ofindustrializedagricultureandtransgenicbiotechnology,oppositiontolocaleffectsoftheglobal
market,disapprovalofthehealthrisksimpliedinindustrialization,geneticallymodifiedcrops,and
globaltradepractices,andthestrugglesforterritorialdefenseofindigenouspeoples,andforachieving
localfoodsovereignty.
Giventhat,inthecaseofmaize,thespreadandmultiplicationoftheagroecologicalparadigmis
inseparablefromtheuprisingresistancetothethreatrepresentedbygeneticallymodifiedvarieties,
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in the following sections we briefly examine the agroecological and social aspects of five projects
consideredasemblematic,eachonewithitsownparticularitiesandfeaturesincommon.
3.1. CenterforIntegralSmallFarmerDevelopmentintheMixteca(CEDICAM)
TheCEDICAM(initsSpanishacronym)isanorganizationformedtwodecadesagobyindigenous
small farmers from the Mixteca Alta region in the state of Oaxaca, one of the zones most affected
bysoilerosioninthecountry. TheprojectsofCEDICAMaimedatreconstructingthemilpawithan
agroecologicalapproachandafarmer-to-farmerstructure,forwhichtheorganizationwasgrantedthe
GoldmanEnvironmentalPrizein2008inrecognitionofitsactionsfavoringenvironmentalrestoration
andsustainableagriculture. CenteredinNochixtlán,Oaxaca,andledbyJesúsLeónSantos,thecenter
carriesoutagroecologicalandlandscaperestorationactivitiesin10communitiesintheregionincluding
building,restoring,andmaintainingtrenchesandbarriersforterraceagriculture,production,and
applicationoforganicfertilizersandgreenmanures,integratedpestmanagement,storageandselection
ofnativecropseeds,promotionoffamilygardens,useofrusticgreenhouses,useofpolycultureand
croprotationinmilpas,andorganizationofmaizeandmilpafairs.
3.2. NetworkforSustainableAgriculturalAlternatives(RASA)
RASA(initsSpanishacronym)isaninitiativegatheringpeasants,indigenouspeople,women,
consumers,urbanpopulation,technicaladvisors,nongovernmentalorganizations,anduniversities.
Itsobjectiveisencouragingagroecologyandpopulareducationamongnearly100ruralhouseholds
in 20 localities from an equal number of municipalities of the state of Jalisco. RASA’s activities
are implemented by means of programs focused on training of local promoters, participation in
agroecologicalproduction,caringforagro-diversity,strengtheningoffairtradesupplychains,and
implementationofcriticalpedagogicalapproachesandparticipativeresearchactivities. Inpastyears,
RASAhasorganizedmaizeandmilpafairsinseveralcommunities.
3.3. ProjectofIntegralRuralDevelopmentVicenteGuerrero,A.C.(GVG)
TheGVG(initsSpanishacronym)isacivilassociationresponsibleforoneofthemostsuccessful
initiativesofsustainablefarminginthecountrydevelopingontheslopesofthevolcanoesforming
thewatersheddividingthevalleysofPuebla-TlaxcalaandthevalleyofMexico. Theover38years
of experience of the GVG allows the association to sustain a regional movement of resistance to
geneticallymodifiedcropsandofdefenseoflocalnativemaizevarieties. TheGVGinvolvesdozens
ofpeasantcommunitiesthathaveimplementedalternativeruraldevelopmentstrategiesresultingin
theimprovementofthequalityoflifeoftheirmembers,positiveimpactonlocalrurallandscapes,
establishmentofregionalrepositoriesofgeneticallyhealthyimprovednativeseeds,andorganization
duringthepast17yearsofmaizeandmilpafairs. TheGVGhasproposedlegislationavoidingsowing
ofgeneticallymodifiedcropsinthestateofTlaxcala,whichwasapprovedbythestate’scongress.
3.4. UnionofOrganizationsoftheSierraNortedeJuárezinOaxaca(UNOSOJO)
TheUNOSOJO(initsSpanishacronym)wasintegratedatthebeginningofthepresentdecade
in the Sierra de Juárez—where Quist and Chapela [28] found the first evidence of transgenic
contaminationofnativemaize—withtheobjectiveofdefendinglocalnativemaizevarietiesagainst
introductionofgeneticallymodifiedcrops. UNOSOJOworkswith19Zapoteccommunitiesinvolved
inattemptingtoputanendtocontaminationofnativemaizebygeneticallymodifiedmaize,creating
regional native seed banks, and achieving food sovereignty. The milpa fairs organized by the
UNOSOJOrepresentasocialplatformforcoordinatingsimilarcollectiveresistancemovements.
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3.5. TotonacNahuatlIndigenousUnion(UNITONA)
TheUNITONA(initsSpanishacronym)isacoalitionofindigenousorganizationsborninthe
year2001inresponsetothediscoveryoftransgeniccontaminationofnativemaizein12municipalities
oftheSierraNortedePueblaregion. Hundredsofsmallfarmers,nongovernmentalorganizations,
and religious associations organized for rejecting the potential effects of genetic contamination of
maize in their parcels and foodstuffs, implementing actions under the program Communitarian
DefenseofBiodiversity. Permanentmonitoringisconductedtopreventbiopiracyatthesametimethat
communitariannativeseedbanksarecreatedforpreservinglocalgermplasmandforsystematizing
informationaboutnativevarietiesofmaizeandothercrops. TheUNITONAorganizesworkshops
andcommunitarianassembliesforpoliticaldiscussionsaboutconservationofnativemaizevarieties
andaboutthethreatscurrentlyfacedbymaize. TheUnionhasjoinedothersimilarmovementsin
MexicoandhasalsoestablishedinternationallinkswithViaCampesinaandtheLandlessWorkers
MovementofBrazil. In2004,theUNITONAreleasedtheManifestinDefenseofMaizeexpressingits
oppositiontoestablishmentofexperimentalfieldsintheirterritoriesforgeneticallymodifiedmaize
andtoimportofsuchvarieties,arguingthatsucheventswouldseriouslydamagetheautonomyof
TotonacandNahuatlpeoplesandcreatehealthriskstotheircommunities.
3.6. NationalAssociationofCommercializingEnterprisesofAgriculturalProducers(ANEC)
TheANEC(initsSpanishacronym)isuniquebecauseofbeinganautonomous,independent,
democratic,andpluralorganizationwithnationalscaleorganization,andalsonoticeableforgoing
beyond agricultural production into the market, finding funding and credits, and technological
innovation. Theassociationwasformedin1995,currentlyincluding219companiesin19statesof
Mexicorepresentingnearly60,000smallandmediumscaleproducersofbasicgrains,mostlyofmaize,
sorghum,wheat,bean,andrice. Itsmaingoalsarefoodsovereignty,reappraisal,developmentofsmall
andmediumscalefarming,andsustainableagriculture. Theassociationisalsoinvolvedinagricultural
practicesthatprotectandconservethenaturalpropertiesofsoil,water,andtheenvironmentinorderto
producehealthyfoodstuffs,whichisachievedbymeansofcombiningknowledgefromsmallfarmers,
scientists,andtechniciansbasedoncontinuingeducation.
Among other important actions of the ANEC.—whose present slogan is change the Mexican
land’s production paradigm—two are noteworthy, the Value to the Peasant Initiative started in 2015
integratedbynon-governmentalandsmallfarmerorganizations,andtheModelofPeasantAgriculture
withIntegratedKnowledge,whichcombinesscientists’andfarmers’knowledgetoproducehealthy
crops without using agrochemicals, at higher yields, and at a lower cost. For celebrating its 20th
anniversarytheANECfinancedandorganizedtheFirstInternationalMeetingofPeasantAgriculture
andAgroecologyinAmericawiththegoalofdiscussingfoodsovereignty,dialogueofknowledge,and
publicpolicies,amongothertopics,whichwasthemostrelevantmeetingofitskindevertotakeplace
inMexico,gatheringover300participantsfrom16countries.
3.7. TheMaizeFairs
Maizefairs(inSpanishsometimescalledfiestadelmaíz)representtherevivalofritualactivities
strengtheningtheerodedcommunitarianlinks,givingsensetocommunitarianlifeanddignity,their
numbers having substantially increased in recent years in territories in resistance. Maize fairs are
held in at least three relevant phases of the cropping cycle of maize: after seeds are blessed and
sown (February to March), during invocation for rain (May), and before the harvest (October to
November). Wecounted20fairscelebratedduringtheyear2009,anumberwhichincreasedto80by
2016andpresentlygrowinginproportionwiththeintensificationofconflictsandtheincreasingsocial
consciousnessofbeingmenandwomanmadeofmaize. Activitiesinfairsincludeseedexchangebetween
smallfarmersfromthelocalityandfromotherstatesandregions,recoveryoflocalculinarytraditions,
exhibitsoffarmimplementsandoldphotographs,talksabouttheconsequencesoftransgenicseed
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useandaboutwhopromotesthem,seedblessing,andstagingofplaysandfilmexhibitions,among
others. Fairsarelearningspacesandanopportunityforconsolidationofsocialandcommunitarian
connections,whichundoubtedlyarepoliticalactivities.
From2002to2015,nativeseedfairstookplacein44localitiesintheYucatanPeninsula—both
inruralcommunitiesandinformalandinformalacademiccenters—providingpeasanthouseholds
withaninformalsupplysourceofseedsofmaizeandothercropscultivatedintheirmilpasandfamily
gardens. Thisexchangeadditionallystimulatestheexchangeofknowledgeaboutmaizediversity,in
situconservation,andparticipativecropimprovement[35].
InthestatesofTlaxcalaandPuebla,maizeandmilpafairshavenoticeablyincreasedinnumber
and in complexity. In Tlaxcala, more than 1000 people attended the 19th annual maize fair of the
organizationVicenteGuerrero,A.C.,heldonMarchof2016,whilenearlyadozenofmaizefairswere
organizedinPueblainthelasttwoyears,particularlyintheSierraNorteregionofthestate. Some10
maizeandmilpafairswereheldinChiapasinrecentyears,basicallyorganizedbywomenandnative
peoplesandinconnectionwithalternativemarkets.
3.8. AlternativeMarkets: TheTianguis
The emergence of alternative markets, which in Mexico are called tianguis after the Nahuatl
wordformarket(tianquiztli),expandedexponentiallysincethefirstalternativetianguisinaugurated
intheyear1996. Morethan60alternativeecologicaloragroecologicalexchangemarketstookplace
throughout Mexico by the end of 2014 and currently that figure is possibly of 70 [36,37] located
in 22 Mexican states. Alternative tianguis are an important connection between ecological and
agroecological producers and the sectors of society concerned about healthy diet, fair trade, and
establishingsolidaritylinkswithothersectorsofsociety. Thesealternativemarketsareameansfor
establishingsolidaritynetworksbetweendifferentsocialactorswithcultural,ideological,andpolitical
affinities,agroecologicalmilpasystems,andmaizeandmilpafairs,whichareexemplifiedbythecase
oftheMayabTianguisinthestateofQuintanaRoo[38].
Local alternative markets under a number of denominations end up becoming closing nodes
ofincreasinglycircuitformingpartsofavariednetworkofproducersofhealthyoragroecological
commodities from many contrasting regions. The knowledge shared by consumers of alternative
marketsandtheculturalandeducationalactivitiesorganizedinthemgobeyondordinarycommercial
transactions. Many alternative markets in Tlaxcala, Veracruz, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapas, and the
Yucatan Peninsula are directly connected to agroecological movements of resistance to transgenic
maizeauthorization,andintheabove-mentionedstatesplustheStateofMexicoandJalisco,alternative
marketsareassociatedwithmaizeandmilpafairs.
3.9. AgroecologicalDefenseofMaizeatNationalandInternationalLevels
The emergence of local and regional agroecological projects, such as the above-mentioned
emblematic cases, has in highly creative and variegated ways nourished national level initiatives
embracingpoliticalandculturaldefensesofnativemaizeagainstintroductionofgeneticallymodified
maize. Overmorethan15yearsalltheseinitiativeshavereachedasubstantialadvanceintermsof
their demands and claims having international consequences. Constructed as multi-scalar nested
networkslinkingthelocal andregionalwiththe nationalandglobal, initiativesforthedefenseof
maizeagglutinatecollectiveeffortsbymeansofthecommittedinteractionofdiversesocialactors
intheruralandurbanspace. Fromthebeginningofthecentury, theconvergenceofcommunities
andpeasantorganizationsincreativeresistancewithcivilorganizations,socialmovements,middle
educationschoolsanduniversities,academiccenters,scientists,artists,intellectuals,politics,lawyers,
andsocialpromoters,hascreatedanationalmovementthat—implicitlyorexplicitly—hasexpanded
andstrengthenedtheMexicanagroecologicalmovement.
The first of the main initiatives needing mention is the National Network in Defense of
Maize, initiated in 2002 responding to contamination of native maize with transgenes and by
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2013 agglutinating communities and organizations from 12 states. The network is structured as
apermanentdialogueandactionplatformforindigenousandpeasantcommunitiesandhundreds
of social organizations, acting in solidarity and forming a front of social struggle not only against
genetically modified maize, but also for territorial and alimentary autonomy. A second initiative
deserving mention is the campaign known as “Without maize, there is no country”. Created in
2007, ithasformedtogetherwithothercivilassociationsanestednetworkof300socialinitiatives
in defense of native maize, agroecology, and alimentary sovereignty. The main accomplishment
of this movement was stopping the commercial release of genetically modified maize in Mexico.
This was achieved by means of a collective demand filed three years ago by 53 individuals and
organizations—including civil associations, peasants, indigenous communities, scientists, artists,
intellectuals,andenvironmentalists—againsttheMexicangovernment’sSAGARPAandSEMARNAT,
andagainstthemaingeneticallymodifiedseedcompaniesMonsanto,Syngenta,Pioneer,DuPont,and
Dow(Table1).
Table1.MainfeaturesoffiveinitiativesonagroecologicalproductionofmaizeinMexico.
Foundationand Numberof Numberof
EmblematicCases Yearsof AreaofAction Interactionswith Interactionswith
Experience AcademicCenters GrassrootsMovements
ProjectofIntegralRural Tlaxcala6
DevelopmentVicenteGuerrero, 1980,37years municipalities 8 10
A.C.(GVG),Tlaxcala. 23localities
TotonacNahuatlIndigenous Puebla
2000,17years 4 9
Union(UNITONA),Puebla. 29municipalities
CenterforIntegralSmallFarmer
OaxacaMixteca
DevelopmentintheMixteca 1997,20years 4 3
Region22villages
(CEDICAM),Oaxaca
NetworkforSustainable Jalisco
AgriculturalAlternatives 1999,18years 20municipalities 3 3
(RASA),Jalisco 20localities
NationalAssociationof
Nationalestates29
CommercializingEnterprisesof 1995,22years 2 1
60,000members
AgriculturalProducers(ANEC)
4. AgroecologyandCoffeeProduction
CoffeehasbeengrowninMexicosincethe19thcentury,initiallyalmostexclusivelybymedium
tolarge-sizedspecializedestatesownedbyforeigners(andafterwardsbyMexicans)inthestatesof
Chiapas,Oaxaca,andVeracruz.ThescenarioofcoffeeproductioninMexicobegantobetransformedby
differenteventshappeningduringthetwentiethcentury,suchastheagrarianrevolutionthatdissected
largeestates,distributinglandtothousandsofejidosandcommunities,andacknowledgedtheproperty
rightsofnativepeoples,andtheexpropriationbythegovernmentduringthesecondWorldWarof
estatesownedbyGermans,Japanese,andItaliannationals. Theperiodofstatismfollowed,beginning
in1959withthecreationofINMECAFE,agovernmentalorganismwithacollectivisticinclination
devotedtoregulatingcoffeeprices,providingincentivestonationalcoffeeproducersintheformof
creditsandtechnicalsupport,suppressingintermediarism(middlemen),andestablishingthousandsof
coffeeproductionandcommercializationunitsinproductionregions[39].INMECAFEwasdismantled
intheearly1990saftertheretreatofthestateandtheadventofneoliberalismanditsfreetradepolicies.
Thisresultedinaprocessofautonomousorganizationofhundredsofcoffeeproducingcooperatives
ofpeasantsandindigenouscommunities. Duringthesetwodecades,thesecooperativesgradually
adoptedtheprinciplesofagroecology[40]. Asaresult,coffeeproductioninMexicoiscurrentlyin
thehandsofownersofsmallproperties−90%ofwhichownlessthanfivehectares—organizedin
hundredsofcooperatives,animportantproportionofwhichbelongtoindigenouspeoples.
ProductionandexportofcoffeehasbeenahighlyrelevanteconomicactivityinMexico,which
togetherwithIndiaoccupiesthefifthplaceamongcoffeeproducersintheworldandaccordingto
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FAO[41]producesnearlyone-fifthoftheglobalproductionofcoffeeandhasbeingleadingtheworld’s
productionoforganiccoffeefornearlytwodecades.CoffeeisproducedinMexicoaccordingtosuitable
elevationsgoingfrom600to1200m.a.s.l.,alongthetransitionalzonebetweenthetropicalandthe
temperate ecological belts. Coffee producing regions are among the richest in flora and fauna in
Mexicoandareconsideredasstrategicforconservationofbiodiversity[42].Accordingtotheinventory
ofcoffeeproducersinMexico(thePNCbyitsSpanishacronym),duringthe2011–2012agricultural
cycletherewere542thousandproducersgrowingcoffeeon762thousandhectares[43]. Thestatesof
Chiapas,Veracruz,Puebla,andOaxacaproduce94%ofthetotalproductionofcoffee,containing85%
oftheplantedsurfaceand83%ofthecoffeeproducersinthecountry. Nearly80%oftheproductionof
coffeeinMexicoisexported.
Mexicanorganiccoffeeisproducedwithouttheuseofagrochemicalsandundertheshadeof
a forest canopy, which helps to preserve the natural habitat and, consequently, biodiversity, soil
quality, and water runoff. According to recent statistics, Mexican organic coffee was produced by
some128,000small-scaleproducers,mostofthembelongingtoindigenouscooperativesandpeasant
organizationsinthestatesofChiapas,Oaxaca,Guerrero,Puebla,andVeracruzonaproductionarea
ofabout350,000hectares. Ofthetotalcoffeeproducersinthecountry,aminimumof78,000produce
undercertificationrules[44]. Mexicanorganiccoffeeisimportedtoandconsumedbycountriessuch
astheUnitedStates,Canada,France,theNetherlands,Germany,andJapan.
ProductionofcoffeeinMexicohasnotonlyexperiencedanextraordinaryexpansion,buthas
also both motivated scientific research and stimulated the organization of small-scale farmers in
cooperatives and in regional and state unions, therefore becoming the object of discussions about
the meaning of agroecological strategies, focusing in the different modalities of coffee production.
Coffee landscapes are man-made landscapes resulting from a complex set of environmental and
social processes (for details see [42,45]) As in the rest of the world, in Mexico there are five main
modesofproducingcoffee: (i)rusticpolycultureand(ii)traditionalpolyculture,twoshade-growncoffee
systemsestablishedunderamultilayeredandmultispeciescanopyofnativetreesthatgenerallyare
grownbyindigenous,small-scalegrowers;(iii)shadedcommercialpolycultureand(iv)shadedcommercial
monoculture,twocoffeesystemsestablishedunderplantedtreesbyeithersmall-andmedium-scale
farmers,orlarge-scaleownershighlyinvolvedintheproductionofspecializedcashcrops;and(v)sun
coffeesystem,amonoculturesystemutilizingchemicalfertilizersandpesticidesandgenerallypracticed
by major landowners. Each of these five types of coffee systems reflects specific combinations of
biological, ecological, cultural, agricultural, and social factors. The two traditional shaded coffee
agroforests (rustic polyculture and traditional polyculture), but especially traditional polyculture
also called coffee gardens, represent an advanced stage of human manipulation of the native forest
architectureandcomposition. Coffeegardensareasortofman-madeforest,whichcanfunctionasan
importantrefugeforbiodiversity,predominantlyofbirds,mammals,floweringplants,andinsects.
In the discussion of which system of coffee production is more agroecological, clearly rustic
polyculture and traditional polyculture are the most appropriate, because the forest canopy is
conservedwhichisalsomodifiedbysuppressionofcertainspeciesforshademanagementandto
whichspecieshavingmarketvalueareintroduced. Theagroecologicalsuitabilityofcoffeepolyculture
systemsisnotonlybasedonmaintenanceoftheforestcanopyandacertainlevelofbiodiversity,but
alsobecauseoftheenvironmentalservicesitofferssuchascarboncapture,soilerosionprevention,
climatestabilization,andmaintenanceofapoolofpollinators. Suncoffeeistheanti-ecologicalextreme
andthesystemsintroducingaplantedcanopyareintermediateinagroecologicalsuitability. Todate,
noconsensushasbeenreachedregardingtherealmeaningofagroecologicalcoffeeproduction. Instead
thereisanamplerangeofdefinitionsandinterpretationsundertermssuchasecologicalcoffee,organic
coffee,sustainablecoffee,environmentallyfriendlycoffee,birdfriendlycoffee,shadecoffee,andothers,
allpreferredbythevariouscoffeemarketsinEurope,NorthAmerica,andJapan.
Based on our own review, it is possible to distinguish some modalities of scientific research
about coffee production: (a) research focused on generating general technological, economical,
Sustainability2017,9,268 9of13
commercial,andsocialknowledgeaddressedtoallsectorsofcoffeeproduction(estates,medium-sized
producers,andpeasantcooperatives),asisthecaseoftheInstituteofEcologyatVeracruz;(b)research
addressingspecificcooperativeswiththeirparticipation(caseofCIEDACinChiapas);and(c)research
aiming at strengthening political autonomy of communities (specifically of Zapatista regions), as
is the case of UNITERRA in Chiapas. To the above are added the research initiatives of each
coffee cooperative, especially of the largest and better consolidated ones, in which technological,
organizational,andsocialinnovationsaretheresultoftheinteractionbetweenresearchers,technicians,
andproducersbymeansofadialogueofknowledgesandparticipativescientificresearchapproaches,
as in the cases of Tosepan Titataniske in Puebla, the UCIRI in Oaxaca, and MAJOMUT in Chiapas.
In these initiatives, the organizational consolidation of small-scale producers has played a central
role, producersachievingthecreationofregional, state, andnationalunionsafterseveraldecades
of effort. This is the case of the National Alliance of Coffee-Producing Organizations (CNOC by
its Spanish acronym), which is a network of 126 independent organizations in Mexico that works
tobenefitsome75,000small-scale,predominantlyindigenousproducers,whogeneratemostofthe
organiccoffeeharvest. Thisorganizationalumbrellaincludesadvisersandscientists,technicians,and
nongovernmentalorganizationsforpromotingthesocialwell-beingofsmall-scaleproducersandtheir
householdsbymeansofempoweringlocalorganizations,advocatingenvironmentalprotection,and
promotingcertifiedorganiccoffeegrownintraditionalshadedagroforests(Table2).
Table2.SevenagroecologicalresearchcentersofcoffeeproductioninMexico.
Dateof
ResearchInstitution Localization ScaleofAction WebSite
Foundation
Universidad
CIIDRIInterdisciplinary
Autónoma
ResearchCenterfor 2008 National https://chapingo.mx
Chapingo,
RuralDevelopment
Texcoco
CENACAFENational Universidad
CenterfortheResearch, Autónoma Cooperativesand
Innovationand Chapingo, 2015 privateownersof http://www.cenacafe.org.mx/
Technological Huatusco, Centralveracurz
DevelopmentofCoffee Veracruz
CAFECOLCoffee Xalapa,
2016 National www.cafecol.mx
AgroecologicalCenter Veracruz
CICADESInternational
Ixhuatlán, https://centrocicadesdotorg.
CenteronCoffeeand 2003 Regional
Veracruz wordpress.com
SustainableDevelopment
Institutode
Ecología, www.ef.inecol.edu.mx/
CAFÉinRED 2016 National
Xalapa, cafeinred
Veracruz
Cooperativesand
CIDECI-UNITIERRA SanCristobal
communitiesofthe
UniversidaddelaTierra delasCasas, 2001 http://seminarioscideci.org/
EZLN(ZapatistaArmy
(EarthUniversity) Chiapas
ofNationalLiberation)
Municipalitiesof
Chilón,Sitalá,Yajalón,
CIEDACCenteron Chilón,
1992 Pantelhó,Saltode http://www.cediac.org
IndigenousRights Chiapas
Agua,Palenqueand
Simojovel,inChiapas
5. AgroecologyandHoneyProduction
TheYucatanPeninsula—where63%ofthetotalinhabitantsareofMayandescent—isthemost
importanthoneyproductionregionofMexico. BeforeSpanishconquest,Mayabeekeeperscollected
honeyandwaxfromthenativestinglessbees(Meliponabeecheii),whichinMayawerecalledKoolelkab
andXuna’ankab,meaninghoneygoddess. Europeanbeehives(Apismellifera)wereintroducedtothe
YucatanPeninsulaintheearly20thcenturymostlybyprivateentrepreneurs,and—asinthecaseof
Sustainability2017,9,268 10of13
coffeeplanting—theMayacommunitiesadoptedbeekeeping,afewdecadeslaterbecomingnational
leadersinnumberofhoneyproducers. AccordingtoCONABIO[46],theregionpresentlyhasabout
40,000beekeepersorganizedin162cooperatives. Thehoneyproducedbysmallfarmersinsystems
withhighdiversitypivotingaroundthemilpaismostlyexportedtotheEuropeanUnion(85%).
Despite organic honey being produced by only 10% of the owners of commercial beehives,
beekeepingisgenerallyconsideredecologicallyacceptablebecauseitdoesnotthreatentheregion’s
tropicalforests—richinspeciesofmelliferousplants. TheauthorizationbytheMexicanGovernment
for planting of transgenic soybean in the Yucatan Peninsula was met with a similar response of
resistancefromlocalsmallfarmersastheoneencounteredbytransgenicmaizethroughoutthecountry.
BecausetransgenicsoybeanpollenwasfoundinhoneyexportedtotheEuropeanUnionaffecting
futureexportsoftheproductfromtheregion,thousandsofhoneyproducerslaunchedacampaignfor
removingtheofficialauthorizationforcultivationoftransgenicsoybeanintheregion—signedbyover
63,000people—andfiledtwolegaldemandsthatwerefavorablyresolved,revertingtheauthorization
fortransgenicsoybeanproductionintheregion. Asaresult,anewlawwasestablishedprohibiting
thecultivationoftransgeniccropsinthestateofYucatan.
6. Discussion
Highly complex processes generating multiple synergies at various and different scales and
rhythms,aretheresultofinteractionsbetweenscientificresearch,technologicalinnovation,andthe
social, political, and cultural action and activism held by mainly small-scale farmers movements,
thosearethethreeagroecologicaldimensions,ortheagroecologicalholytrinity. Thiswasconfirmed
by the review made all along the various sections of this paper. There exist countless feedback
examplesinthereviewedthreeproductionsystems(maize,coffee,andhoney). Insuchcases,scientific
researchnotonlystimulatedtechnologicalinnovation, orsocialandpoliticalaction, butthesocial
action conveys and drives scientific and technological production in new paths, namely in new
approachesandknowledgeproductionmodesofconception. Inthecaseofmaize,eachoneofthefive
emblematicreviewedexamplesrevealthatscientificandtechnologicalresearchwasconductedbythe
agroecologicalparadigminanintimaterelationwiththefarmers’organizationsactionandparticipation
(see Table 1). As a counterpart, the indigenous small-scale coffee producers’ vigorous movement
thatemergedandexpandedwithinthelast40years, hasgenerateddiverseanddifferentresearch
approachesconductedbynewacademiccentersandscientistsguidinginnovativeprojects(Table2).
Inthecaseofhoney,thousandsofMayanhouseholdbeekeepershavebenefitedfromcountlessresearch
findingsonmelliferousflora[47,48],itscyclesandoffers[49],theeffectsofhoneycontaminationby
GMsoyabean[50],andhoneybeeenvironmentalservices[51]. Forexample,ECOSUR(TheSouth
BorderCollegeorElColegiodelaFronteraSur),aprestigiousresearchandpostgraduateeducation
centeroffersaDiplomaProgramonOrganicandAgroecologicalApiculture,sincemorethan10years
ago. Thisdiplomacourseofferstrainingonapiarianandfloralresourcesmanagement,certification
procedures,integratedhealthcare,GMcontaminationavoidingmeasurements,andorganizationaland
administrationpolicesandprocedures. Ontheothersideofthisspectrum,grassrootsandpolitical
organizationsatnationallevel,suchastheCNOC(TheNationalCoordinationofCoffeeProducers’
Organizations),ortheUFIC(TheIndigenousandPeasantUnitForce),haveembracedagroecologyas
partoftheirpracticalphilosophiesandastheirmainstruggleobjectives(seeTable2).
7. ConcludingRemarks
Asanemergingapproach,politicalagroecologyformssomenewwaysofconstructinglinkages
betweenknowledge,power,andpractice. Scientificknowledgeanditscorrelatedtechnologieshave
normallybeenthoughtassupportingpoliticalandeconomichegemonicforces. Fortunately,thefields
of science and technology studies made considerable progress toward illuminating relationships
betweenscience,andpolitical,economic,andsocialpowersduringthepasttwodecades. Modern
scienceanditstechnologicalinnovation(ortechnoscience)bothembedandareembeddedinsocial