Department of International Relations and European Studies Faculty of Social Studies MASARYK UNIVERSITY Brno, Joštova 10, 602 00, Czech Republic Policy of the IMF and WB in Angola. Implementation of the Strategic Poverty Reduction Plan and the Influence of Foreign Powers on the Development of the country after the end of civil war in 2002. Bachelor thesis Jan Cihlář Supervisor: Mgr. Vladan Hodulák (UČO: 261887) Domain: International Relations Bachelor degree study Year of Imatriculation: 2007 Brno 2010 Bibliographic card Cihlář, J.: Policy of the IMF and WB in Angola. Implementation of the Strategic Poverty Reduction Plan and the Influence of Foreign Powers on the Development of the country after the end of civil war in 2002. Brno: Masaryk University, Faculty of Social Studies, Department of European Studies and International Relations, 2010. Abstract The thesis focuses on descriptive exploration and further analysis of the relations between International Monetary Fund, World Bank and Angola, starting from the establishment of new Angola in 2002, after the end of civil war. The first part of the thesis presents the basic insight of Angola post-war reconstruction and outlines major significant factors which influence both domestic development policy of the country as well as the propositions for international cooperation and assistance. Furthermore, I would epitomize the agency of the IMF and WB in the country in last eight years, searching for specifics and deviations from the official IMF and WB development policy which have happened in the case of Angola. Taking into consciousness those proposals, I would than link those with the actions of other significant entities of international politics, especially powerful states, NGOs and IGOs, which are involved in current Angola state. To accomplish the aim of the thesis, it is necessary to evaluate the progress of Angola development and stand out possible scenarios for future hence this is the cornerstone of the last chapter. Angola itself presents virtually unique combination of ostensibly incompatible presumptions, devastated by one of the longest civil wars in history lasting for 27 years it nowadays sharpens its claws like a south- African tiger, sticking with the fastest growing economies of the world. Very much because of this reality, many players of international politics are trying to “cut their share of the cake”, in this particular case, primarily the oil and diamond one. Key words Angola, IMF, WB, Development, Case Study, Strategic Poverty Reduction Paper, Civil War, MPLA, UNITA. Declaration 1. I declare that I have written this bachelor thesis independently only on the basis of listed references. 2. I give my permission to use this thesis for study purposes and place it to the Main Library of Masaryk University. Brno, November 28, 2010 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Jan Cihlář Acknowledgement I would like to thank to the advisor of my thesis, Mgr. Vladan Hodulák, for his insightful comments and methodological support throughout my work. I also want to express my thanks to prof. John F. Wilton, my family and friends for their support and encouragement. Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1 Objectives,StructureoftheThesisandMethodologyUsed . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 2 IMF,WBandAngola–PreconditionsforCooperation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2.1 GeneralDevelopmentPolicyoftheBrettonWoodInstitutions . . . . . . . . . 7 2.2 AngolanCivilWarandthePost-WarReconstruction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 2.3 Angola:TheProfile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 2.3.1 InternalConditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 2.3.2 EconomyandNaturalRecourses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 2.3.3 GovernmentalSystem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 2.4 AngolainDepth–GoodorBadGovernance? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 3 BrettonWoodinLuanda–ChallengeforthePolePosition . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 3.1 FirstYearsaftertheCivilWar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 3.1.1 TransitionalSupportStrategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 3.1.2 AngolaMakingProgress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 3.2 RiseofAngola’sConfidenceduring2006-2007 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 3.3 GlobalDownturnandtheShiftinAngola’s,IMFandWBMutualRelations . 28 4 ChinaandtheUSAinAngola–ExternalInfluence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 4.1 USA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34 4.2 China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 4.3 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 5 CriticalReflectionoftheIMFandWBpolicyinAngola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 6 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 7 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41 A ListofUsedAbbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 B Attachments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50 1 Introduction “Angola Avante!” (Forward Angola) is not only the name of Angolan national anthem, but also explains the nature of local people and the conviction of country’s political leaders. Being ruled by Portuguese for almost 500 years1, it has finally achieved independence in 1975.Thecountrywasthrownintoanotherlonglastingwarbetweentwomajormilitaryand political parties, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (Movimento Popular de Libertaça˘o de Angola - Partido do Trabalho, MPLA) and the National Union for Total Independence of Angola (Unia˘o Nacional para a Independe˛ncia Total de Angola, UNITA), which finally ended by the death of UNITA´s leader Jonas Savimbi, in 2002.2 From there on, Angola began its struggle to achieve vastly recognizable international status, focusing onestablishmentofrelationswithwesterncountriesandglobalorganizations,seekingboth assistanceandopportunities. International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (WB) started their talks with An- gola in 1999 and the position of those organizations has distinctly changed over the time. MPLA´s old heritage of communist ideology, which has been the ruling party since 1992 when the first independent elections were held, dispersed and political elites were looking aroundtheglobeforpossibleallies,supportersandtradepartners.Country’sownpost-war development presents deeply particular case. Angola has been more or less able to finance its reconstruction almost exclusively from its own resources, relying primarily on revenues andadvantagesemergingfromoilanddiamondexports.IMFhasrepeatedlyaskedAngola toperforminstitutional,structuralandpoliticalreforms,neverthelessallthosepropositions wererefuseduntilthebreakthroughyearof2009. Furthermore, its biggest regional competitors, Zimbabwe and South African Republic (SAR) are from different reasons more and more lacking the trust of international commu- nity.3, Angola is now being recognized as possible stabilization element in whole Southern Africa.AsnotonlyIMFandWBareinterestedofdevelopingvaluableconnectionswiththe countrynumerousstatessteppedin.Topointouttwoforall,namelytheUSAandChina.The thesis will therefore remind long-lasting US influence over Bretton Wood institutions, and analyzewhatseemstobethemostprofoundexternalfactorconnectedwithdevelopmentof Angola. 1. SpeakingaboutthehistoricalareasnowdesignatedasAngola. 2. Another significant civil war military group, known as the National Liberation Front of Angola (Frente NacionaldeLibertaça˘odeAngola,FNLA)Iwillnottakeintoaccount,thusitsinfluencediminishedafter2002. 3. ZimbabwebecauseofitsautocraticpresidentR.G.Mugabe,SARduetosteadyincreaseofcriminalrate. 2 Chapter1 Objectives, Structure of the Thesis and Methodology Used Original source of my motivation to conduct this study was the reality of long-lasting de- velopment assistance between Angola and Czech Republic which is still ongoing from the old socialistic era of both countries. As I wandered which topic would suite best to present insightinthechangesaftertheendofcivilwarinAngola,policyoftheIMFandWBseemed tobethebesttoworkout.Boththoseinstitutionscurrentlymonitorthesystemofpayments between almost all countries in the world and lend money for policy reforms and projects, each with slightly different role. Angola than, performed as quite an unique state of those we call less-developed, insisting on its own paths how to lead the country out of poverty, sufferingandinstability.Bycombiningthoseproposals,Iwouldliketodescribeandanalyze the development policy of the IMF and WB, as well as consider all other relevant factors whichmighthaveanimpactonthepost-warreconstructionofAngola. In my opinion, the principles of case study can provide me most appropriate analytical tools for this type of research.I would thus later present my own theoretical approach and recapitulate all important circumstances in the critical reflection. Case study than, might serveusperfectlywhenconductinganareaboundedandtime-limitedresearchofrelations betweeninternationalregimesandcertaincountry. Iwouldthusliketoprovideanewapproachonanotverydiscussedfieldofinternational relationsintheCzechRepublic.Hopefullymyconclusionscouldbelaterusedforcompiling alarge-scalestudyafterwards,whichwouldencompasswiderinsightinthisproblematic. Duringthe“datacollectionphase”therearosefewlimitationsofthestudiedcaseIwould like to mention. Firstly, it is not the aim of the thesis to judge the criticism being inflicted on the IMF and WB from countless politicians, NGOs, governments, etc. It may be a topic for another research. However, when considering the IMF and WB development policy I wouldstrictlyrefertoofficialmaterialsofbothinstitutionsaccompaniedbytheconclusions of Ngaire Woods1 in her brilliant analysis of operational procedures of the IMF and WB. Secondly, as Angola is still in its early steps towards full stabilization and “normalization”, there are not many primary sources I could draw from. Even the country’s official govern- ment internet pages do not work properly, placed materials are mostly only in Portuguese ornotdownloadable,ormostoftenboth.2 IcameacrosssimilarproblemwithAngola’sown developmentproposals,asthosepapersareagainavailableonlyinPortuguese.3 Myanaly- sis therefore faces one major obstacle, to obtain available information only from other offi- cialinstitutionsandcountrygovernments.However,theAfricanDevelopmentBank(ADB) 1. Ngaire,W.Theglobalizers:theIMF,theWorldBank,andtheirborrowers.Ithaca,NewYork:CornellUni- versityPress,2006. 2. To prove my words please visit those pages at http://www.governo.gov.ao/; http://www.scm.gov.ao/; http://www.parlamento.ao/. 3. EstratégiadeCombateaPobreza.Availablefrom http://www.angolaemb.se/Actualidades/Combate%20a%20pobreza.pdf. 3 1. OBJECTIVES, STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS AND METHODOLOGY USED released“CountryStrategyPaper”onAngola(or“StrategicPovertyReductionPlan”asre- ferredinthethesisheadline),writtenincollaborationwithAngolandevelopmentspecialists andwecanmoreorlesstakeitasthebestavailablecountryreconstructionproposal. Myworkitselfisdividedintofivechapters.Thefirstonebuildsuptheoreticalapproach, describes methods used and states the hypothesis. The second is based on insight into pre- conditions of mutual Angolan, IMF and WB cooperation. The third chapter analyses IMF and WB policy in last eight years (2002 – 2010) when the fourth briefly outlines other in- ternationalactorsinvolvedinAngola’sdevelopmentstruggle.InthefifthandthelastoneI willfinishtheresearchthroughacriticalreflection,whichshouldserveasacomprehensive summaryofmythesisaswellasasetofrecommendationsforthefutureAngola–IMF–WB relations. The thesis will fundamentally focus on explanation of the sharp Angola’s development aftertheendofthecivilwarreflectingtheroleofIMFandWB.Inthisrelation,Angolahad torespondtotheglobaleconomicdownturnstartingfromtheyear2008andlastingmoreor less nowadays (end of 2010). The IMF and WB have played increasingly important role in theshiftofAngola’spolicywhentheworldoilpricesfelldown.Theybothsteppedingreater cooperationwiththecountry,providingtechnicalassistanceandcreditreimbursementsfor financingofAngola´sreconstruction.However,beforetheyear2008whentheIMFandWB hadonlylimitedopportunitiestointervene,otherelements(predominatelyinterestsofother states)canbeseenasdominantininfluencingAngola’sforeignanddevelopmentpolicies. IwillthereforetrytoprovethehypothesisthattheIMFandWBarenotcapabletoensure effective crisis prevention in countries with the possibility of external financing deriving fromtheirgeopoliticalposition. My theoretical approach to the thesis will be thus based on confrontation of the realis- tic paradigm and the theory of neoliberal institutionalism, especially because each of those suitesbettertocertainpost-wasAngola’sdevelopmentperiod. Classicalrealismseesinternationalinstitutions(liketheIMFandWB)notassubstantial sources of international affairs, instead, their establishment and functions are according to it shaped by the intentions and interests of the most powerful states.4 I shall analyze thus, whetherornottheIMFandWB’spolicywasdirectedbyitsdominant(orhegemonic)mem- bers,inthecaseofAngolapredominatelytheUSA.AswellIwillaccountthefactorofChina being now Angola’s largest trading partner, lender and presumably main political ally as well. Ontheotherhandhowever,majorchangewasobservedinrecenttwoyears(2009-2010) in Angola’s approach to the Fund and Bank. I would thus interpret the second period of Angola’s post-war development on the background of neoliberal institutionalism theory (paradigm) as it explains more precisely what happened when Angola asked Fund for a Stand-ByArrangementandstartedtoimplementtheconditionsoftheBrettonWoodinstitu- tions;thereforeenhancedtheinfluenceoftheso-calledinternationalregimesinthecountry. In the words of Krasner, those international regimes (as IMF and WB) can be defined as “setsofimplicitorexplicitprinciples,norms,rulesanddecision-makingproceduresaround which actors expectations converge in a given area of international relations.”5 Basically it means that the interests of states are independent, when the institutions only regulate their actions on the international field.6 Keohane mentioned in addition, that the international 4. Karlas,J.:Soucˇasnéteoriemezinárodníchinstitucí,p.69-70. 5. Krasner,S.D.,eds.InternationalRegimes,p.2. 6. Karlas,J.:Soucˇasnéteoriemezinárodníchinstitucí,p.75. 4 1. OBJECTIVES, STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS AND METHODOLOGY USED regimes assist the states in removing the problems related with collective actions (cooper- ation) through reduction of actors´ uncertainty, and by decreasing of transactional costs.7 Moreover,aninstitutionexistinginagivendomaincanbethanusedtostartthecooperation inotherrelatedareas.8 Thisisparticularlyimportantbecauseoflackofpoliticalcreditabilityandfinancialmeans in majority of poor and war-devastated countries like Angola, where international regimes canplayvigorousroleastransitionelementswhichwouldattractexternaldonorsontheone handandguaranteecertainmovementofthecountrytowardstransparency,ontheother. Moreover, to prove the hypothesis valid, it is necessary to find out the circumstances in which IMF and WB entered the talks with Angola. Therefore I will stand out the most im- portantspecificsofthecountry,observethepoliticalpossibilitiesoftheAngolanauthorities andlinkthosewiththeproposalsoftheFundandBankdevelopmentpolicies. Inthisregard,lastquestionstands,whytheAngola’sdevelopmentinmacroeconomical figures, did not lead into real benefits for vast majority of local inhabitants in the terms of improvingtheirstandardsofliving?ThereIwouldimplythenecessityofso-calledconcept of good governance. Basically it means a type of governance which will contribute to well- usage of all available means to ensure sustainable human development.9 Again, I would analyze whether mutual Angola, IMF and WB intercourses lead to implementation of this approachornot. Forconductingsuchtypeofexploration,casestudyseemstoprevailasthemostappro- priate analytical tool. Using descriptive manners, systematic way of looking at events, col- lecting and analyzing data and finally reporting the results...roughly said “why and how have something happened” I will try to establish a chain of evidence which will enable me to conduct meaningful generalization at the end. Robert K. Yin10 puts it more scientifically, howeverstatingmoreorlessthesame:“Casestudyisaresearchmethodwithanempirical inquiry that investigated a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context...when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident...and in which multiplesourcesofevidenceareused.” Thus the main reason why to conduct this research as a case study is its comparative potential.Itmeansthatbycomparisonofsimilarstudiesofotheroil-exportingSub-Saharan countries we should be able to generalize both the potential and obstacles of the IMF and WBpolicyinsuchstates,thusbyfocusingonthesamephenomenonitcouldserveasaquick andreliableanalyticaltool. 7. Keohane,R.O.AfterHegenomy:cooperationanddiscordintheworldpoliticaleconomy,p.11 8. Ibid,p.89-92. 9. Or in the words of Sogge, good governance includes accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient,consensusorientedandrule-followingtypeofcountryadministration.Sogge,D.Angola:Global„Good Governance“AlsoNeeded,2006. 10. Yin,R.K.Casestudyresearch:designandmethod.LosAngeles,Calif.:SagePublications,2009,p.23. 5 1. OBJECTIVES, STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS AND METHODOLOGY USED Furthermoreprinciplesofempiric-analyticalapproacharethebasegroundforthestruc- turingofthework,withitskeycompositionsasimpartiality,neutralattitudeandfinallythe abilitytoobjectifyachievedresults.ForAngolaninstance,itseemsusingthoseproposalsas mostappropriatepathbecauseofthevitalneedtorestrictorlimitthestudiedareatogiven boundaries. 6
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