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Policing Space: Territoriality and the Los Angeles Police Department PDF

206 Pages·1997·8.69 MB·English
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POLICING SPACE This page intentionally left blank POLICING SPACE Territoriality and the Los Angeles Police Department Steve Herbert University of Minnesota Press Minneapolis London Copyright 1997 by the Regents of the University of Minnesota All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. Published by the University of Minnesota Press 111 Third Avenue South, Suite 290, Minneapolis, MN 55401-2520 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Third Printing, 2000 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Herbert, Steven Kelly, 1959- Policing space : territoriality and the Los Angeles Police Department / Steve Herbert, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8166-2864-5 (hardcover) ISBN 0-8166-2865-3 (pbk.) 1. Los Angeles (Calif.) Police Dept. 2. Police — California—Los Angeles. 3. Police power—California—Los Angeles. 4. Human territoriality—California—Los Angeles. I. Title. HV8148.L55H47 1996 363.2'09794'94—dc20 96-20333 The University of Minnesota is an equal-opportunity educator and employer. CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgments vii vii TerIntrIntrod5uction I 1. Introduction 1.Territorial and the Police 9 2,. The Setting and the Research 25 3. The Law and Police Territoriality 35 4. The Bureaucratic Ordering of Police Territoriality 59 5. Adventure/Machismo and the Attempted Conquest of Space 79 6. Safety and Police Territoriality 99 7. Competence in Police Territoriality 123 8. The Morality of Police Territoriality 141 9. Making and Marking Space with the LAPD 161 Notes 177 Index 193 This page intentionally left blank PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIKE MILLIONS OF OTHERS, I was stunned by the video- tape of the beating administered to Rodney King by a group of Los Angeles Police Department officers in March 1991. The continuing flurry of blows, King's hopeless attempts to defend himself, and the impassivity of the many officers who were watching all seemed incommensurate with any pre- tense on the part of the LAPD to be a model police agency. It seemed inconceivable that such a massive and unnecessary use of force could be condoned by a large group of officers, that their efforts to control space might regularly rely upon bru- tality of this nature. Repeated viewings of the videotape have failed to reduce my horror at what it depicts. As much as the videotape sickened me, it also compelled me with its questions. I wondered just how a social agency entrusted with the power to administer lethal force could overstretch its limits in such a profound and dramatic way. VII VIII PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Race immediately suggested itself as an important factor, but a full explanation was probably more complex. The question of why those officers chose to respond to King in that way demanded investigation. The King beating occurred while I was surveying literature that draws connections between the exercise of power and the control of space. I found this literature instructive but was frustrated by its frequent lack of empirical substantia- tion. There were too few discussions of how actual agencies of power exercise their control over space, of exactly how territorial control underlies social control. An up-close look at the LAPD seemed an opportunity to measure these more abstract considerations against the practices of an important and politically charged social agency. This book is the ultimate result of my effort to examine, in a detailed fashion, a particular agency that daily exercises its power by exercising control over space. As my analysis illustrates, the processes by which police officers socially con- struct and attempt to control the spaces they patrol lie at the heart of contemporary policing; indeed, as I show, satisfying each of the imperatives that impel police action requires the officers to control space. But the processes by which officers make and mark space are complex, and thus to explain the spatial exercise of police power is to throw the motivations of that power into particularly sharp relief. My investigation not only sees policing in a new way, but also reveals the com- plicated processes by which territorial control is manifested in daily practice. That I entered the world of the LAPD at all was due largely to the efforts of Jack Greene, who kindly shepherded my re- quest through the appropriate channels. Jack also helped by providing insights into the LAPD that were useful in my ef- forts to analyze what I witnessed. For giving final approval for the fieldwork, I thank Chief Willie Williams; his willing- PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS IX ness to grant my request is but one symbol of the different LAPD he is attempting to construct. I was assisted by several others within the LAPD, most of whom must remain anonymous. I can mention Dan Keonig, Gerry Mears, J. I. Davis, John Mutz, Margaret York, and Lymon Doster, all of whom helped open doors and answer questions. The other LAPD personnel who did so much to help me understand their world cannot be singled out, but I owe them a tremendous debt for discussing their work with me at a politically turbulent time. Much of what follows was made possible only by their generosity with their time and their willingness to answer my many questions. In the world of academia, I was blessed with the assistance of numerous people in the construction and execution of this project. Allen Scott and Ed Soja encouraged me to improve the theoretical rigor of the work, while Bob Emerson worked to ensure a clear link between theory and data. Eric Monk- konen's enthusiastic support meant much through the writ- ing and rewriting process. Nick Entrikin helped make the analysis cohesive and also provided important support at key moments. And Gerry Hale worked tirelessly to improve all aspects of the work. Many others read all of the manuscript and provided sug- gestions or encouragement or both; they include Craig Hoi- nick, Michael Hooper, Peter Manning, Gary Marx, Robert Sack, and two anonymous reviewers. Others—namely, Nick Blomley, Ben Forest, Nick Fyfe, Peter Jackson, Steve Mas- trofski, and Ralph Saunders—read part of the manuscript and were similarly helpful. I know I have not satisfied all of them with my revisions, but the work is clearly better as a result of my efforts to attend to their suggestions. Thanks also to everyone at the University of Minnesota Press—namely, Janaki Bakhle, Mary Byers, Lisa Freeman, Jeff Moen, and Carrie Mullen—whose efficiency, responsive-

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