Philologus: Band 114, Heft 3/4

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P H I L O L O G US
ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR DAS KLASSISCHE ALTERTUM
Im Auftrage des Instituts für griechisch-römische Altertumskunde
bei der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
Herausgegeben von
WOLFGANG SCHMID • OTTO LUSCHNAT
ERNST GÜNTHER SCHMIDT
Redaktion: Eberhard Reebenberg
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Heft 3/4
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AKADEMIE«VERLAG / BERLIN in Arbeitsgemeinschaft mit der
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Seite
CHARLES W. FORNABA, The Cult of Harmodius and Aristogeiton 155
BENEDETTO MABZULLO, L'interlocuzione negli "Uccelli" di Aristofane 181
DANIEL GELLIS, The Structure of Arguments in Isocrates' De pace 195
ILSE BECHER, Antike Heilgötter und die römische Staatsreligion 211
FRIEDRICH SOLMSEN, A Peculiar Omission in Lucretius' Account of Human Civilization 256
DAVID WEST, Virgilian Multiple-Correspondence Similes and their Antecedents . . .. 262
FRIEDHELM WINKELMANN, Die Überlieferung der Passio Eusignii (BHG Nr. 638—640e) 276
Miszellen
WILLIAM W. FORTENBAUGH, Zu der Darstellung der Seele in der Nikomachischen Ethik
113 289
E. J. PHILLIPS, Cicero, Ad Atticum 12 291
J. M. HUNT, Two Passages in the Aegritudo Perdicae 294
Eingegangene Druckschriften 296
Register 297
Die Mitarbeiter werden gebeten, die Manuskripte, Korrekturen und sonstige geschäftliche Post an das Zentral-
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rechnung bitten wir spätestens bei der Übersendung der Korrektur aufzugeben; ihre Bezahlung erfolgt durch
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Verlag: Akademie-Verlag ßmbH, in Arbeitsgemeinschaft mit der Dieterich'schen Verlagsbuchhandlung GmbH,
Wiesbaden; 108Berlin, Leipziger Str. 3-4, Fernruf 220441, Telex-Nr. 0112020, Postscheckkonto: Berlin
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Vorsitzenden des Ministerrates der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Gesamtherstellung: VEB Druckhaus
„Maxim Gorki", 74 Altenburg.
P H I L O L O G US
ZEITSCHRIFT FÜR DAS KLASSISCHE ALTERTUM
Im Auftrage des Zentralinstituts für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie
der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin
Herausgegeben von
WOLFGANG SCHMID • OTTO LUSCHNAT
ERNST GUNTHER SCHMIDT
Redaktion: Eberhard Rechenberg
Band 114
1970
AKADEMIE«VERLAG / BERLIN in Arbeitsgemeinschaft mit der
DIETERICH'SCHEN VERLAGSBUCHHANDLUNG G.m.b.H
WIESBADEN
Die Mitarbeiter werden gebeten, die Manuskripte, Korrekturen und sonstige geschäftliche Post an das Zentral-
institut für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften, 108 Berlin, Leipziger
Str. 3 — 4, zu senden und am SchluB der Manuskripte ihre Adresse stets genau anzugeben. Der Verlag liefert den
Verfassern 30 Sonderdrucke eines jeden Beitrages unentgeltlich. Bestellungen auf weitere Sonderdrucke gegen Be-
rechnung bitten wir spätestens bei der Übersendung der Korrektur aufzugeben; ihre Bezahlung erfolgt durch
Abzug vom Honorar.
Verlag: Akademie-Verlag GmbH, in Arbeitsgemeinschaft mit der Dieterich'schen Verlagsbuchhandlung GmbH,
Wiesbaden; 108 Berlin, Leipziger Str. 3—4, Fernruf 22 04 41, Telex-Nr. 0112020, Postscheckkonto: Berlin
350 21. Bestellnummer der Zeitschrift: 1Q31. Die Zeitschrift erscheint jährlich in einem Band zu vier Heften.
Bezugspreis je Heft im Abonnement 12,— M zuzüglich Bestellgeld. Einzelheft 12,— M, Preis des Doppelheftea
24, — M. Sonderpreis für die DDR 18, — M. Veröffentlicht unter der Lizenznummer 1297 des Presseamtes beim
Vorsitzenden des Ministerrates der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Gesamtherstellung: VEB Druckhaus
„Maxim Gorki", 74 Altenburg.
INHALT
von Band 114
ILSE BECHER, Antike Heilgötter und die römische Staatsreligion 211
CHARLES W. FORNARA, The Cult of Harmodius and Aristogeiton 155
KONRAD GAISER, Die plautinischen „Bacchides" und Menanders „Dis exapaton" . .. 51
DANIEL GILLIS, The Structure of Arguments in Isocrates' De pace 195
DIETER HARLITNGER und DIETHER REINSCH, Die Aristotélica des Parisinus Gr. 1741. Zur
Überlieferung von Poetik, Rhetorik, Physiognomonik, De signis, De ventorum situ . 28
WOLFGANG HERING, Quid haec elegia sibi velit, non ita facile dictu. Ein Beitrag zum
Verständnis Von Properz II 98
ALEKSEJ FEDOROVIÖ LOSEV, Elemente des körperlichen Verständnisses der Wirklichkeit
in der Ideenlehre Piatons 9
WOLFGANG LUPPE, Zur Datierung einiger Dramatiker in der Eusebios/Hieronymus-
Chronik 1
BENEDETTO MARZULLO, L'interlocuzione negli «Uccelli» di Aristofane 181
D. R. SHACKLETON BAILEY, On Cicero, Ad familiares (II) 88
FRIEDRICH SOLMSEN, A Peculiar Omission in Lucretius' Account of Human Civilization . 256
DANIEL W. T. C. VESSEY, Statius and Antimachus: A Review of the Evidence . . . .118
DAVID WEST, Virgilian Multiple-Correspondence Similes and their Antecedents . . .. 262
FRIEDHELM WINKELMANN, Die Überlieferung der Passio Eusignii (BHG Nr. 638—640e) 276
Miszellen
KLAUS ALPERS, Supplementa cómica 144
ARNOLD BRADSHAW, Some Stylistic Oddities in Horace, Odes III 8 145
EUGEN DÖNT, Schellings Interpretation von Piaton, Nomoi 716 150
WILLIAM W. FORTENBAUGH, ZU der Darstellung der Seele in derNikomachischen Ethik 113 289
J. M. HUNT, TWO Passages in the Aegritudo Perdicae 294
E. J. PHILLIPS, Cicero, Ad Atticum 12 • 291
Eingegangene Druckschriften 296
Register 297

CHARLES W. FORNARA
THE CULT OF HARMODIUS AND ARISTOGEITON
In Athens of the mid-fifth century Harmodius and Aristogeiton were held
in the greatest veneration. Their statues had twice been set up in the Agora,
the first set dedicated to them having been taken away by Xerxes1. They
were buried in the Cerameicus, apparently the first Athenians to be granted
a public grave2. Their cult was given over to the polemarch, who poured
libations to them as heroes3. Their descendants dined in the Prytaneion
at the public charge4, and were given other privileges5. These honors, extra-
ordinary as they were, appear to reflect accurately the esteem in which
they were held (cf. Herodotus 6. 109. 3). According to Thucydides, the
people even magnified their achievement6; and aristocrats, as we know
from drinking songs alluded to as old favorites by Aristophanes7 and fortu-
nately preserved by Athenaeus8, sang of them in their symposia and cele-
brated their exploit.
This all seems natural enough. Harmodius and Aristogeiton achieved
martyrdom by striking a blow against tyranny, killing a tyrant, and
(thereby) precipitating the exile of those clans which in 511/10 B.C. re-
turned with Cleomenes to bring down Hippias. The tradition about the
Tyrannicides seems, however, also to have acquired another level of signi-
ficance in fifth-century Athens. The importance of their action became a
1 Pausanias 1. 8. 5. For their place in the Agora see Aristotle, Rhetoric 1368a 17,
Pliny, N. H. 34. 17.
2 Pausanias 1. 29. 15. A cenotaph?
3 it. 58. 1.
4 IG I2 77, the "Prytaneion Decree". See M. OSTWALD, AJP 72, 1951, 24-46, for the
latest treatment of this inscription. See also below, note 59.
5 Isaeus 5. 47: xai eßouX7)ib)s (xäXXov Aocaiofevoui; xaXeTa&oa üö? i) 'Ap[xo8tou, uraptSuv
¡ASM -RI)V ev ripuTavsi« atTTjaiv, xaTaippovrjaa«; St TcposSpt&v xal ¿TEXSICOV, a TOI? EE, EXCWMV
Yeyov6m SeSorai. One benefaction to the family is noticed by Plutarch, Aristeides 27. 6:
"The Athenians learned that the grand-daughter of Aristogeiton lived in poverty at
Lemnos and went unmarried because of it. They brought her back to Athens and married
her to an aristocrat, giving her the land at Potamoi as her dowry."
6 Thucydides 1. 20. 2, 6. 54ff.
7 This is implied in Achamians 980, 1093, Wasps 1225.
8 15. 659 = DIEHL 10-13.
1 Zeitschrift „Philologus" 3/4
156 CHARLES W. FORNARA
matter of dispute; the facts may have been manipulated. At least their
interpretation was revalued. Herodotus was careful not to give too much
credit to the Tyrannicides9; Thucydides disparaged them10. Yet Hellanicus
took a different view11.
This difference could be viewed as being the consequence of one authority's
desire to "improve upon" or at least differ from a predecessor. To some
scholars, Herodotus' celebrated remark (6. 123) that the Alcmeonids "much
more than Harmodius and Aristogeiton" liberated Athens, just as Thucy-
dides' concern to show that the Tyrannicides were motivated by unpolitical
considerations, is devoid of political animus, purely an attempt to set the
historical record straight12. Such views cannot be disproved mathematically.
On balance they seem implausible. Striking a blow for an Alcmeonid
tradition, however justified it may have been, was inevitably to strike a
blow against Alcmeonid detractors, and there can be no question that these
were motivated politically, for Pericles the Alcmeonid was Athenian demo-
cracy13. The Spartan demand that the Athenians drive out the "accursed"
(Thucydides 1. 126. 2) was propaganda against Pericles, possibly effective
propaganda14, and Sparta had borrowed the charge from Pericles' oppo-
nents16. Pericles' family and its history were for his friends and enemies
weapons to strengthen or undercut him and his policies. The Alcmeonid
claim to the liberation of Athens — as against that of Harmodius and
Aristogeiton — is a part of this general picture. Few accomplishments, if
any, could confer more prestige or more effectively disarm critics fearful of
a family's dynastic ambitions. It need not, therefore, be doubted that
Herodotus' opinion that the Alcmeonids were the real liberators of Athens
(an opinion he expressed cautiously) derives from information presented to
him by an interested party16, or that Thucydides entered a political debate
» See FORNARA, Historia 17, 1968, 405 f.
10 Ibid.
11 See FORNARA, Historia 17, 1968, 381—383.
12 So, e.g., M. LANG, Historia 3, 1954-55, 400; K. ZIEGLER, RhM 78, 1929, 58—67,
K. J. DOVER on p. 62 of his edition of Thucydides VI. v. STERN, Hermes 52,1917, 366, lauds
the historians for their courage in destroying a lie. According to S. BRUNNSAKER, The
Tyrant-Slayers of Kritios and Nesiotes, Diss. Lund 1955, 16 n. 60, Thucydides merely
"filled a gap in the account of Herodotus".
13 JACOBY, Atthis 154.
14 It is possible that this religious issue, absurd though it seemed to be to the ratio-
nalistic Thucydides (see Srj&ev in 1. 127. 1) was a contributing factor to the Athenian
disavowal of Pericles in 430 B.C.: the Athenians TOM JJLSV IlspixXsa ev aE-ria zlym ¿¡c, miaavTa
o<pa<; 7toXe[J.ew xal St' oceivov Tat? ¡;i>H<popai? TcepmeTnaxiret; (2. 59. 2).
15 See JACOBY, Atthis 160, 187.
16 The note of caution is implicit in his statement in 6. 123. 2: 'AXx(j,c(ovtSai 8c E(x<pave<o?
I]Aeu&£poiaav, EE 8?) OUTOI ye aX7)&e<oi; ijcrav oi xr)v Ilu^irjv avarreiaaVTs? 7rpoa7)FJ.aivsiv AaxeSaijio-
The Cult of Harmodius and Aristogeiton 157
when by objecting to the "orthodox view" about the Tyrannicides he
affirmed an Alcmeonid claim17. Similarly, some of the adherents of the Cult
of Harmodius and Aristogeiton — the aristocratic singers of the skolia
hymning the Tyrannicides — may reasonably be supposed to have been not
unaware of political implications. In a word, they were opposed to Pericles.
The fact, therefore, that the claims of the Alcmeonids seem to impinge
upon those made on behalf of Harmodius and Aristogeiton during the latter
half of the fifth century is richly suggestive. One cannot but wonder about
the validity of either claim and attempt to account for the genesis of each.
The "Cult" of Harmodius and Aristogeiton — that congeries of honors
officially paid them by the State — as well as the traditions about their
deed, had its beginning at the time of the overthrow of the tyranny or
shortly after it. Precision as to the date is impossible. The evidence is the
lost statue-group of the Tyrannicides made by Antenor which Xerxes
removed from the acropolis in 480/7918. Pliny, N.H. 34. 17, synchronized
the dedication of the statues with the expulsion of the kings from Rome
— 510/09 — and there is no reason to doubt the assertion19. This tradition
seems supported by archaeological inference. K. SCHEFOLD20 dates the
erection of the statues to a time "right after the liberation from the tyrants"
on what appear to be reasonably solid grounds: the early cup with the deeds
of Theseus (in London) and the Amazon Krater of Euphronius show the
vioioi ÈÀeudepoûv TCZÇ 'A-9-^vtxç, &ç |j.oi 7rp6repov SeSrjXcoxoa. In the passage to which Herodotus
here alludes (5. 63. 1), JACOBY (Atthis 335 n. 27) oddly supposed that the tradition
stemmed from a source rival to the Alcmaeonids.
17 According to G. VLASTOS, AJP 74, 1953, 342 n. 18, Thucydides' correction of the
legend is unconnected with any intent to vindicate the Alcmeonid tradition, but this is to
view the "correction" in isolation. We know that two main views were current. Thucydides
attacked one of them and by implication supported the other. His "casual phrase" (VLASTOS)
that Hippias was put down "by the Spartans and those Alcmeonids who were in exile" (see
FORNARA, Philologus 111, 1967, 294f.) shows his judgement of the matter and the alter-
natives he weighed.
18 See note 1 above.
19 Pliny could have made a mistake, but there is no reason to suppose it. His datum is
distrusted by those concerned to lower the dedication-date to suit theories inconvenienced
by it. Others find it acceptable — e.g., MERITT, Hesperia 5, 1936, 357, SELTMAN, JHS 67,
1947, 24ff. Thus EHRENBERG, WS 69, 1956, 60 n. 7, considers 509 B.C. an "unlikely date"
for extrinsic reasons. His claim that the value of Pliny's datum is cancelled by the fact
that it coincides with the fall of the Roman kingship is a non sequitur. Not even Pliny
would be simple enough to synchronize statues of the Athenian Tyrannicides with the same
year quo et Romae reges pulsi for the poetry of it. On the other hand, that Pliny gives
510/09 B.C. — not 511/10 B.C. — may suggest that the date does not derive from a mere
synchronism with the Athenian Liberation.
20 Mus Helv 3, 1946, 71.
1*