Parenting style as context: An integrative model.

10 Pages·1993·1.467 MB·English

by  Darling, Nancy, Steinberg, Laurence

Psychological Bulletin Copyright 1993 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.
1993. Vol. 113. No. 3, 487-496 0033-2909/93/S3.00
Parenting Style as Context: An Integrative Model
Nancy Darling and Laurence Steinberg
Despite broad consensus about the effects of parenting practices on child development, many
questions about the construct parenting style remain unanswered. Particularly pressing issues are
the variability in the effects of parenting style as a function of the child's cultural background, the
processes through which parenting style influences the child's development, and the operational-
ization of parenting style. Drawing on historical review, the authors present a model that integrates
two traditions in socialization research, the study of specific parenting practices and the study of
global parent characteristics. They propose that parenting style is best conceptualized as a context
ers. oadly. tmhaati nmtaoindeinragt tehse t dhies tiinnfclutieonnc eb eotfw sepeenc ipfiacr epnatrinengt sitnygl ep arnacdt ipcaerse onnti nthge p rcahcitlidc.e Ict ains arregsueaerdc hthearst oandldyr ebsys
blished br questions concerning socialization processes.
ed puminat
one of its alliot to be disse ccoepnDtsuuisartilenizngat ttihpoeinc p tuaosrfet p2oa5fr yetnehateir nstg,y rpesesty eloaerf c hphaa sbr eapnsretoidnd gou ncce Bodn aduaum crerivimneda 'rtsko ca obthnlye- EfAluumreoenprcieicnaagnn - tAyheom ueatrhciasc da(enDm oaircdn obaluecsshcciehen,v teRsm itaetnendrt, oLisfe iAldesaeisratmn -ea fnfa,en cRdti ovAeb efrirnitcs a,i n&n--
on or d is n soufc tchees sUfunli tseodc Siatalitzeast.i oAnu tohfo crihtailtdivreenne isnst—o ath ceo ndsotmelliantaionnt coufl tpuarre- F19ra9l1e)i.gh, 1987; Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn, & Dornbusch,
Associatial user an eamnpupt nraoitctpraritibiaoutente —sa uthhtaoasnt boinemceylnu dgsheraosn wetminn ogtot,i ohannealdpl ccslhueipalrpd, orbernitd, aihrniegdch tia osdntoaalnel dsccaoerdnmsts-, tmhirHnoeoudwg h b cwaynh iocsthuh ceahru tvhpaororriicateabstiislveietsyn eobspes e eeranxthpinalangic neeinsd ?d peAvarertleioc ptuhmleae rn ptrc ouuclnetdusserears-l
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Psychologicof the indivi dabAnelmevc ieoinnlnogdgp e o tpahfen ens iiodnncedsinteircctueaam,lt o cearosnn oodtapf le ii nrncaodsttmiirvoupnimde utweeanniltt chanel e acecdodhumsal trpsaa ecnattdnee ndric zrpeee esdape rroebsn y,r se iptsbhspieylo ictbnhiaseoils---. twdmhiifiitflnheigeirn eufn suat u(netcd.hgoao.n,mr swieteaiqnttutihvaeilennl ycfte ahdsmei f fifcelohirreie lsndt iht'n se a dpbcieofhefuierltr d ge?tnrh1ot e uF mppo)irr?lo i ceeOeuxsrsa s miteshs pa tlhtte her,ra eetsa ursoelotc smct hiuener-
an se social maturity, and academic success (for reviews, see goals toward which authoritative parents try to socialize their
cu
erial Baumrind, 1989,199 la). children the same in African- and European-American homes?
mn
Aso This work on authoritativeness and its beneficial effects Alternatively, perhaps the goals African- and European-Ameri-
he per builds on half a century of research on parenting and parenting can authoritative parents hold are the same, but the methods
y the style. Yet, despite some impressive consistencies in the socializa- they use to help children attain these goals differ.
This document is copyrighted bhis article is intended solely for t tsttntpfAiihhaeaaommmaaanrntrteiti e cdllntlaryyhhi tiut eibecenmtir earhssgianh ino ,edt ah frumdvvlcairutlaivhebaeeore,i-erni rlci eid dceamlasdearxn ne espdp odnsdpoaef ,.npa r fbatrdaeiFaeuesmnenhotn dhdtariat oli ivsqinebnresiuxigegoosteay a,,cr o smatoiwiitanltnvip t ohcedehtlnoihden acms,se esh a s rBw psmbseiol,seami ipc tcauaahilaonamses im clssnwa ro esm ieo ecuns falienidla iml nrWa taitece(nios1vdruh snoe9e w igait7twnnhes e2e,ie iEr)s tnwer hspug drh srrle.teafioy pycedAmp lohacoeesrro lsmaftt erne uhnoeaidgle--rf-, oococuiLshefpnne osiAm awdlswudueelierrttssrh nheh , li twnatoo1ch c'urh9s(hrkifg 8 otiotd ach1ooureth ) fgiev,a mv uhtxsiehens nuclweneo edac sephlhcessslmiat er scuasmhn heoltaattan en lpesdin t rat.ipcbdyn srOhaeice awnrieuntnleigndestevni s r ohneticewoifa glnhn vnere 'ysgisaestttph ,r ytdsa oentc lesyvnetieovhcle emneee ird ln sysBaomiee fylpqtasfiah memu uiyanerme beeifodntlnnoreruicctyufidee.nfe t ne sedAaorct mb,ehfien n no1e tpoc th9u tiithc7hitarhs ioi leellt clnad hyarai, d b em lid i ss1abete pfp9itvafnohar8eseocncac3ile-stts-t;
T African-American girls. Furthermore, recent studies in which there is no empirical basis on which to draw conclusions about
the effects of authoritativeness have been compared across eth- how the appropriateness of different parenting styles may vary
nic groups have consistently shown that authoritative parenting depending on the child's developmental stage (e.g., Steinberg,
is most strongly associated with academic achievement among Elmen, & Mounts, 1989).
Nancy Darling and Laurence Steinberg, Department of Psychology, 1 Although some writers have treated parenting style as if it were a
Temple University. developmental process, we disagree. A developmental process is de-
Work on this article was supported by grants from the Lilly Endow- nned by interactions between the developing person and his or her
ment and the William T. Grant Foundation. Our thanks to Diana environment. Parenting style is a characteristic of the parent (i.e., it is a
Baumrind, Marsha Weinraub, and several anonymous reviewers for feature of the child's social environment), independent of characteris-
their thoughtful comments. tics of the developing person. In contrast, the extent and nature of the
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to child's identification with parents are examples of developmental pro-
Laurence Steinberg, Department of Psychology, Temple University, cesses, because identification inherently involves both the child and
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19122. the object of the identification.
487
488 NANCY DARLING AND LAURENCE STEINBERG
In this article, we argue that to understand the processes influence of an individual behavior could not be easily disag-
through which parenting style influences child development, gregated. As one influential group noted,
one must disentangle three different aspects of parenting: the
goals toward which socialization is directed; the parenting It is possible for the child to take a great deal of rather crude
cuffing and spanking and still feel so fully the affection and
practices used by parents to help children reach those goals;
warmth of the parents' concern that no harm results. And it is
and the parenting style, or emotional climate, within which possible for parents to do the technically correct thing with so
socialization occurs. We argue that parenting style is most use- little apparent affection that even their kind and patient words
fully conceptualized as a characteristic of the parent that alters leave the child cold as well as confused and resentful. (Greenberg
and Others of the Staff of the Child Study Association of Amer-
the efficacy of the parent's socialization efforts by moderating
ica, 1936, quoted by Symonds, 1939, p. 153)
the effectiveness of particular practices and by changing the
child's openness to socialization. Parenting style developed initially as a heuristic device to
To make this argument, we review the historical develop- describe the parenting milieu. To the extent that this milieu
ment of the parenting style construct, paying careful attention was accurately captured by measures of parenting style, analy-
to the processes through which parenting style has been ses using the construct were presumed to be more predictive of
ers. oadly. othuoru egxhetg teos iisn oflfu tehnec he icsthoilrdic oaul ttecnosmioens. bKetewye teon t rheisse dairscchuesrssi oinnt eirs- ctihcielsd, abtetrciabuustee st hthea nin aflnuaelnycsee so bfa asnedy opnar stipceucliafirc ppaarreennttiinngg pprraacc--
ed publishminated br ceinhsgtae rdpa criatnec rttiihcsetei scd sea,v noedrl optphamoresenen ttiiannlg tce osrtenysslteeeq.d uD eirnnac wemisno ogrfe o pnga lrotthibciasul l raperva ipreeawnr,et iwnntge- tp1i9lce4ex9 oi;t nyS cyohmfi loodtn hddeesrv, e1pl9ao3rpe9mn).te aInln ti atwtitaorliu bqludut aeelsait sa(itlBiyva belde a wlnoidsn t,l aa1tm9er4o 8nq;gu O athrnletai ntcasotkimvye,-
one of its alliot to be disse tdgaoetvealses l,ao pdprd arace tsimscienosgd, eaelnx dota fsn tytp liaesr,se aunnetdsi niwng e s tdohicasitca uliesznsac htoioomwnp trahesisssee masr ocpdhae.rle fnatciinlig- cepbfheoflinoileredtfns, tsttsyoh: s eatt sehpsmeea srsese. m npBtaoser'tc eioanpunrtisaaneclg trir cseeteslyaeslta eirao fcnnohdsce hurbisspe e fhdrba ooevmntiw o thrdesrie,fe nfeae nrptehdane rt tt ihpctehau releaopnrra etrc teoiancmntasdl-'
on or d is n perspectives emphasized different processes through which par-
Associatial user an Historical ChangPea reinn titnhge SCtyolneceptualization of econmtTsh peion fnplesuynectnshc oeod fyt shntyeailmre .icch imldordeenl,. thSeoirc iwalriiztaintigosn s trreessesaerdc hderifsf ewrehnot
al du Emotional Relationships and Parenting Behaviors worked from a psychodynamic perspective concentrated their
ogicdivi efforts on the emotional relationship between the parent and
n Psychole of the in ochf Tialdhtt eia tunmddoe dtshe alt otw,w etaa orkfdef enrt htdoee gfceinhtheilsed rp , tachrraeetna ttaeinr eag n sc toeymmleom atsiuo ann iacclao tnceslditme ltlaoat teit ohinne ccizihaailtl,id oa nna ndod pf feietrrsse odinn fadluluietrynin cdege votehnli ostp hhmei sectnhotir.l idLc'asik l pees oryatch,h eotrh steehxieruo amrli,eo sdp oesylfs cs howoceisaorle--
caus which the parent's behaviors are expressed. These behaviors strictly unidirectional. These theorists argued that individual
merinal include both the specific, goal-directed behaviors through differences in the emotional relationships between parents and
y the Ahe perso wpahriecnht ipnagr epnrtasc ptiecrefso)r amn dth neoirn p-gaoreanl-tdailr edcutteieds p(taor ebnet rael febrerheadv tioo rass, cathtirlidbruetne s,m aunsdt nmecaensys arreislye arrecshuelrt sf rfoomcu sdeidf feorne nactetsit uidn esp aares ntthael
hted by for t seuxcphre asssi goens otufr eems, octhioanng.es in tone of voice, or the spontaneous aotnt ritbhuet eisn folfu eimncpeo rotfa nac eb.r oFaodr erxaanmgep loe,f apftaerre nretivniegw pirnagc rtiecseesa rocnh
yrigolel This definition of parenting style is consistent with some of infant personality development and concluding that there was
opd s the earliest research on socialization, conducted during the 3rd essentially no consistent relationship between any specific pa-
This document is chis article is intende rapgiinoinars rordttisewhs ,n4t estitt hn shnw ' ocedeoafber nrcebe tah eoridaanntehvsvtste ii, borr oeoearf srhn ogttamehunvdee ei odnc2in rht0t i histshlhhatdo ata c wptndehed neted vht uFbeedrral yoeepsvu.pia cIedmtn tldieotaeeerpnnrtnme eti trsnhemwtg eni iaotnno.sr af ytF han.rr eteCesn iu ihnanodiftfflouild adurr nceaebev lne tmechholeaeeou voonpt---tf- rentasaWitplss ese peco firlcffeaeiiaacccntt t eii cncdtaove nw a tarbhiinteaehd n gib tat cespuh lasgiiyedelfcdmd ht ohioonnaluoiltsyt gcta irfo carsmaotpilmoe eicnn sai,f,f l is(ucOpteu pndrd.lci yase 7cn oi-usfp8 pkl)tihoynen e ( p1thda9eor4e ec9nsh) t ianwllod art a ottentixedtue, trdhte aast
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ment were biological and inevitably in conflict with parental Because attitudes help determine both parental practices and
desires and societal requirements. The interaction between the the more subtle behaviors that give those practices meaning,
child's libidinal needs and the family environment was pre- many investigators who worked in this tradition reasoned that
sumed to determine individual differences in children's devel- assessing parental attitudes would capture the emotional tenor
opment. Then, as now, two questions dominated socialization of the family milieu that determined the parent-child relation-
research: What are the modal patterns of child rearing? What ship and influenced the child's development (Baldwin, 1948;
are the developmental consequences of different child rearing Orlansky, 1949; Schaefer, 1959; Symonds, 1939). This shift in
patterns? emphasis from parents' behaviors to their attitudes posed a
Although there was general agreement that parenting prac- problem for researchers, however. Behavior is determined and
tices influence child development, documenting the influence made meaningful by attitudes, but attitudes are expressed
of specific practices proved elusive. Early socialization re- through behavior. As Symonds (1939) wrote, "Eventually the
searchers recognized that individual parenting behaviors were child's emotional security does go back to the parents' feelings
part of a milieu of many other behaviors and, therefore, that the and attitudes, needs and purposes, but only as they are openly
PARENTING STYLE AS CONTEXT 489
expressed to him in word and action" (p. 154). In essence, al- "socialized, cooperative, friendly, loyal, emotionally stable, and
though attitudes were deemed to be more important than be- cheerful . . . honest, straightforward, and dependable . . .
haviors per se, there was no means of studying the former with- good citizens and good scholars" (p. 75) and whom Baumrind
out measuring the latter. (1970) would later call "instrumentally competent"—were the
Researchers who focused on the emotional processes under- products of homes in which parents behaved in a particular
lying parenting style tried to bridge this gap between parental manner. These parents were warm, established clear, rational
attitudes and the specific behaviors they were thought to engen- guidelines while allowing the child autonomy within those
der by aggregating behavior at what Schaefer (1959) called a boundaries, and clearly communicated both their expectations
"molar" level. Rather than using individual practices to define and the reasons behind them (Baldwin, 1948,1955; Sears et al.,
parenting style, particular practices were grouped conceptually 1957; Symonds, 1939).
into broader categories on the basis of their potential to alter The importance of both the affective and instrumental pro-
emotional processes (Baldwin, 1948; Orlansky, 1949; Schaefer cesses emphasized by psychodynamic and learning theorists,
& Bell, 1958; Symonds, 1939). These molar attributes included, respectively, is evident in these findings. Both Scare's (1957)
among others, autonomy granting, ignoring, punitiveness, per- melding of the Freudian concept of identification with learning
blishers. ed broadly. Sctrecophlta,i eofanen rdo u fs teehdxep crcierhscisulidmo napssl eax ob fmu roadfdefeenlc,it nisogtrn it cot (noSercgshsa,an eiuzfseeer t, ho ef1 s9fee5 a9ar,t ttro1ib 9cu6ot5ne)s-. tatihtcteeiotsur dytoe a sn midne tdphireae tldeimi ctithtieend gp curhsoeiclfedus lson ue(tsfcsoo rom fa ed srier evwcieittw hm,o eusaet sepu arBereesnc oktfien prg,a 1rpe9rn6atc4s-)'
ed puminat itnutdoe sa atynpdo lporgayct iocfe p.arenting style believed to capture both atti- smuegngteaslt epdr otchees siems pwoirtthainnc ae soinf gelxe ammoidneinl.g affective and instru-
on or one of its allid is not to be disse tppihnragearTc ehtstniietmcty aellelees a abfrrlrensaohoitmnah gsve o irbomu ergtohshh,daa tve bntilu oo. tar cittstRahittt eeeuasygdne oeadfrsor i.czc sheouBe cspreiesaacd lar weutlhnesheetaoii rn rnad gipein ffpsffgtreoy orrlpeatesenc rachosceepncsde o cpritnadpivr iaenercnesgh nt iataltol--t tepphnaaaPtrriteesn nnytgtthcs saeh' ns opoiddrnc aytsichanttrleaiiuc zmnmeesia ce,tt h unbaertuneair tld o c pafhs sncoiydhlccd iihlraidoenlr nlteoel neragpa niswerdtnrs esip ronreaang rrcae ertlnlih tytiegs com'o arablei lesasdtl sseitue toerfbwesro dmaat brhitdonh uaeawtnsg ehtrps eioa ceosrhdf--
Associatial user an sdleuraerernns's io ndfg ep veanerlevoniprtoimnnegmn stet ynwlte et wroe e wtrheho diucehgsi htghtn eteoyd hrteoaf dlce acbpte teudnrife fe etxrhepeno cpseeasdt t,e inrmn eitnhaeg- ttseroancnsiasibml loyirs dscierorint wi caeanrl eda i nmtthepeco errdotaelnen tt sfea. lmeFmioliere nss tospc oliaofy lfoeugdni csittnis o,m nhaaoliiwnstte aavinnedrin, svgta rutlhucee-
al du of behaviors that defined these environments (e.g., Sears, Mac- tural-functionalist theories. Thus, although psychologists paid
ogicdivi coby, & Levin, 1957; Whiting & Child, 1953). In these ap- scant attention to parents' beliefs, the determinants and signifi-
Psycholof the in bperohaacvhioesra, lf aactttorirb auntael yusinsd merilgyhitn bge t huese dp atott eirdne ntoiffy ccoornrterloalt iaosn as ceannticsets o ifn tthereesset ebde liinef t shyes tienmflsu erneccee ivoef dth aet tbenrotiaodne rf rsoomci aslo ccioanl tsecxi-t
n e among such practices as a parent's use of physical punishment, on parenting, most importantly, Parsons and Bales (1955),
as
erical u tolerance of masturbation, sanctions against aggression, failure Kohn (1969), and Bronfenbrenner (1958,196la, 1961b).
Amson to enforce rules, and rules for use of common living areas. Par- An important gap between the study of socialization goals
he per enting style was used as a sort of shorthand to summarize the and the study of socialization techniques remained for some
y the results of the many analyses performed on specific parenting time. It was not until Baumrind (1966), however, that a theoreti-
hted by for t pthreac atincaelsy, tircaathlleyr o trhiaennt eredi fitehde oarsi satns .entity unto itself, as it was by cioarla ml opdroecl eesmseesr gtehda tth uatn idnecrolaryp oeraartleide rt hme oedmeolst ioonf asl oacnidal ibzeahtiaovn-
yrigolel Dimensions of style. The utility of parenting style as a heu- into a conceptualization of parenting style that was anchored in
opd s ristic device is reflected in the similarity of the qualities used to an emphasis on parents' belief systems. This model would pro-
This document is chis article is intende dcoJc1uoa9uelssn6t ctct0v orra)aoim,sbn l s eeetoa( asW gir,d tlei yabd a pttyn shto dhorei eennos ft,rdes oi1i,aecm 9rsuwc2 seoh8eenfer)ds re p ais oanoi nrnwdnets ehn nurdoteiusi nsfewrftgdteeou rddtrreo kianfi enftdn edce rs desefo icrdfc(or fFiimeiabnrrle ee itduzn hpaidtfe at,fiid reore1er nnee9v mnt3eit3lnp po;grthp oh Rasmcestoeoyiegssrlnse eeoetr taiissnn-l., BBfoeauFlunioemdrfl ByrSi anayuldstmte'serr m isnTusdyb p,as oesnoqldocu gieEaynlcitzo tilhnogign ickchiainll gd Natobic ochuoetn spf:oarrmen ttoin tgh est ynleec.essary
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early empirical research on socialization. For Symonds (1939), demands of others while maintaining a sense of personal integ-
these dimensions included acceptance/rejection and domi- rity was the key element of the parental role. Her early research
nance/submission; for Baldwin (1955), emotional warmth/hos- focused on the influence of normal variation in the patterning
tility and detachment/involvement; for Schaefer (1959), love/ of parental authority on early childhood development. She be-
hostility and autonomy/control; for Sears et al. (1957), warmth gan by articulating and enlarging the concept of parental con-
and permissiveness/strictness; and for Becker (1964), warmth/ trol. Previously, control had been variously defined as strict-
hostility and restrictiveness/permissiveness. In retrospect, the ness, use of physical punishment, consistency of punishment,
similarity of the underlying dimensions proposed by these dif- use of explanations, and so on (for a review, see Baumrind,
ferent researchers is remarkable. 1966). In contrast, Baumrind argued that parents' willingness
In addition to this basic agreement about the underlying orga- to socialize their child is conceptually distinct from parental
nizational structure of parenting style, a consensus began to restrictiveness and used the concept of parental control to refer
emerge about the association between child outcomes and par- to parents' attempts to integrate the child into the family and
enting. Model children—whom Symonds (1939) described as society by demanding behavioral compliance.
490
NANCY DARLING AND LAURENCE STEINBERG
In Baumrind's (1968) conceptualization of parenting style, variations in patterns of parental authority, in reality the dis-
parents' values and the beliefs they hold about their roles as tinction was associated with other parenting attributes as well.
parents and the nature of children help define naturally occur- For example, although Baumrind (1966) allowed conceptually
ring patterns of affect, practices, and values. This can be seen in that parents who use different styles of authority might be
her description of the prototypic authoritative parent: equally warm and loving, empirically she found that compared
with authoritative parents, both authoritarian and permissive
She encourages verbal give and take, and shares with the child the parents were similar in their relative detachment, the ineffec-
reasoning behind her policy. She values both expressive and in-
tiveness of their communication skills, and their lower matu-
strumental attributes, both autonomous self-will and disciplined
rity demands (Baumrind, 1967). These results called into ques-
conformity. Therefore, she exerts firm control at points of parent-
child divergence, but does not hem the child in with restrictions. tion the validity of searching for orthogonal dimensions of par-
She recognizes her own special rights as an adult, but also the enting, as earlier socialization researchers had done. Indeed, it
child's individual interests and special ways. The authoritative par- became apparent that the advantage of a configurational ap-
ent affirms the child's present qualities, but also sets standards for
proach grounded in naturally occurring parenting styles, rather
future conduct. She uses reason as well as power to achieve her
blishers. ed broadly. otinhbfeja eliclnitbidvlieevs io.d rSu dhalie v cdihnoieelldsy 's ni ondtse pbsiiarrseeesd ;h . be(urB tda aeulcmsiosri iodnnodse, so1 n9n 6og8tr ,or epug.p a2 cr6od1n )hseernsseulsf oasr etvhaaarlBilndia eiutryo mr.ner sientahdre'sco h(re1er9tsi6c i7an,l t1hd9ai7tm liate) rn emsfilooedncetse l daa wllsohona edt, i wffwaersae tsdh eifntrs oa m ep catohrlaoodsgieigc moafl
ed puminat styBlea suemt hrienrd a'ps a(r1t 9f6ro7m, 1e9a7rlliae)r roepseeraartcihoenrasl iizna steiovner aolf w paayrse. Fntiirnstg, stihoinft tihna tth cihnikldinregn a cboonuttr isbouctiea ltioz athtieoinr —owthne d eemveelrogpemnceen to tfh trhoeu ngoh-
on or one of its allid is not to be disse ssenriainanotttghniinolesegn ro d tffoho ufpamn tanhcra etediisnnoeet.nt a edS—lri emmbcceooiehnnnnaidtsnvri,go oiro lnwa—rst iah,t anheBndr agd tudr heameaadnntrdn ieednixdnedag m sca pstraitetnyticucdlieduf ietlaeha sdmta i atoou pnlnlita eniwr pebelairnetorth daaciildon m m ctpehoabnnarit---- ct(the1hham9eivl8iidpr9o e)rib nrsea efhlmxhuapaeevldninic octibaert slley o.ed nFnitf orftiernhe roeedetix neratc dopme aspe dreialinesnr ,letc issneh.hrt ia eAlnd (mBlgrtelhaeenlao d supmwugariirhegne dht,n h tt1 pe a9 albpt4reeeo8hrns) a,pst vsiaBbi'r oiaealrunitstttmy esm f'r trihbopnaemtdt-s
Associatial user an oatrmro leo xbnpegl oitcrhigtr aeanesi szqueumda lpliittnaioetinavr eloylfy f erdoaifmrflei erheri ngtthh e ttyoopr ilesostws o) ,(f a ssph waer aedsni tsthatieln igcmounipstlhriocelid:t aftoinn cgee ap i(anBr ecanoutmminprgli insatdyn,lc 1ee 9a i6sn 7ad ,ce1hp9ae7rnladac,et en1r9tils7yt1 iobcf) .oc fTh tihhldiesr epanall'rose wancte,td ur aahlte hcre ortmo t hpdaleni--
al du permissive, authoritarian, and authoritative. Third, Baumrind of the parent-child relationship, a distinction that we, too, be-
ogicdivi used a configurational approach to define parenting style, argu- lieve is crucial. Because earlier models had assumed that chil-
Psycholof the in oinggy ,t hmaat ttuhrei tiyn dfleumenacned so,f oarn yth oen ues aes opfe cspt eocfi fpica rdeinstcinipgl i(nea.gr.y, itdeecohl-- dprreenv iowuesr eo pinefrlauteinocneadl izbayt,i bounts doifd pnaorte nintifnluge nsctyel, et hheaidr pnaorte natds,-
n e niques) is dependent on the configuration of all other aspects. dressed this distinction.
as
erical u In many ways, Baumrind's typology of parenting recalled the More important for the model we present in this review,
Amson earliest conceptualizations of parenting style (e.g., Symonds, Baumrind viewed the socialization process as dynamic; specifi-
he per 1939), in that it described naturally occurring family niches cally, she hypothesized that the parenting style used actually
y the organized around parents' belief systems. altered how open children are to their parents' attempts to so-
hted by for t BaTuhmer icnodn'sf iginuirtaiatli oinnatel raepspt roina cihd ewntaifsy ian gn aatnudra ld eosuctrgirboiwngth t hoef ciniagl iazcet uthaellmy .e Fnohra enxcaems tphlee ,v shaleu peo osfit epda rtehnatta al urtehionrfiotarctievme epnatr eanntd-
yrigolel parenting that was antecedent to clearly identified clusters of that authoritative parents' clear articulation of desired and pro-
opd s child behaviors (Baumrind, 1967; Baumrind & Black, 1967). scribed behaviors enhances children's ability to discern correct
This document is chis article is intende Terni1sin9eth yst6meis 7n dcaa;g oednB mnerdaef aiaubdgncmeiudrhterwrseaci,detn ti eicdobono ne&n m yaow olBmfia nptlruyadrmn)ac ,tcikt ahcht,niea 1cd tae9ii nsosn6sd n7auu s)resis.tn touIoyvmcrfloai eapaln vtuo(eceitrdenhmt aco(wenilrnuntiilt tdtwyyh;i ,nha BtBgouica a tbhuhiuno omamct rhdlriru tiiiansdnettdefdiif vn, em fecc1o ttpa9uiivtao6nuer5nd---, acriittebhyasiiLt plliteidvootw ey ncani sh(sceeB'atsss r saa a( uts1cio nm9ts ec8oprrr1ciiea)sniar atdescilceni,r zs1sitt aa 9itttlq6hih ou7aden)ete ., e moIaiffnngf ae Beentcnsuadtstirussven .mne,anc rnseeitdsn,r s esd ehn.o negfh tsDhapuneagencrgsee petnsshi ttteieetn hd pgte ha tihebrre aycnat o tpaagslpu'nt aetaihrrtbieiovinnlreg--t
T
that parents who differ in the way they use authority also tend strengths of Baumrind's typological approach, an inherent dis-
to differ along other dimensions, providing empirical as well as advantage of any empirically derived typology is that the inevi-
conceptual support for the configurational approach. For exam- table intercorrelation of different parent characteristics makes
ple, parents whose control practices warranted the label "per- it difficult to discern the mechanism that underlies differences
missive" or "authoritarian" were found also to make fewer matu- among children from different types of families. This problem
rity demands, communicate less effectively and more unilater- was highlighted in Lewis's (1981) critique and reinterpretation
ally, and act less nurturant and controlling than authoritative of Baumrind's work. Lewis asked why strong external control
parents (Baumrind, 1967). such as that used by authoritative parents should induce chil-
Baumrind's (1967) empirical validation of the configura- dren to internalize their parents' values, when attribution
tional approach changed the emphasis of parenting style re- theory suggests that strong external controls should undermine
search and marked an important departure from the factor-an- internalization. In her reinterpretation of Baumrind's findings,
alytic and circumplex traditions. Although in theory the author- Lewis suggested that it is not the high control characteristic of
itative-authoritarian-permissive typology was based solely on authoritative families that helps children develop an indepen-
PARENTING STYLE AS CONTEXT 491
dent and autonomous sense of self while conforming to rules, Baumrind's configurational approach with earlier attempts to
but rather the reciprocal communication characteristic of au- define parenting along a limited number of dimensions. They
thoritative families and the experience children in these fami- did so by attempting to capture parenting style as a function of
lies have of successfully modifying parental rules through argu- two dimensions, which they labeled responsiveness and de-
mentation. Specifically, Lewis suggested that Baumrind's find- mandingness.
ings could be reinterpreted as showing that the advantages Maccoby and Martin's (1983) transformation of Baumrind's
enjoyed by authoritatively reared children are attributable to configurational typology facilitated investigations of the gener-
their parents' openness to bidirectional communication. alizability of Baumrind's model to populations quite different
Lewis (1981) did not question the empirical validity of the from the one in which the typology arose, by creating linear
association between authoritative parenting and child compe- constructs along which theoretically important aspects of par-
tence. In essence, however, she redefined authoritative parent- enting could be measured. For both Baumrind (1983) and Mac-
ing in terms of its emphasis on mutual accommodation rather coby and Martin (1983), parenting style was best understood
than on a certain type of control.2 Although the validity of this within a social learning or ethological perspective. Parenting
redefinition remains an open question both empirically and style was defined as reflecting two specific underlying pro-
blishers. ed broadly. ciBmoanpucomerprtitaunnadtl' slry)e ,l caLatepedwtu pirseo'ssi n rtaes i:n c(otaen)r fpAirgneutyar aptitaoiornen n btoirfno gup gtayhrpet noitlniontgogy fp(oirncaucclstu icdtweinso,g catienvsdes e(psba:) r( eathn) ettsh ceao rnneut ihmniggbehenr c ianyn dbo oft ytphpa erde oenfmt daaeln mrdeaiinnngdfnoser mcsesam daeenn dbt y. r teAhsuep tohpnoasrrieivtneat--s
on or one of its allied pud is not to be disseminat aacgttihfhbrvfuoTioeelsuc udhc tnt esmo d ndtweaphfedkulevhi. itceianpctlt gorhimov p idcemtaee ndspveasirnefegofltsioec c empautsmhrlseter eneo tsntous ,t p g(aaeaehln.sg c doc.uw, eu lframthitcrtaiiomcuvimnhte u c epaowsralna, rh attearhacnontec tldroai) n smb(pgtbhyem )c saw otetny xdh lotaeieafct m nihipont pna pfinrl,aru eoirenceetnifatnoifclnetnleacygssl- ddsntpihniieiavns esrertg esie"n.nnnsp eAtcepessstosr u sma ntp.ra hsieaNniso vtsddtereieei gvntrfldaeneienr"esscie sm attd.ioyn na fWp agn pespd aph ,hair aenMerirgregneenhantnasct esiti cnssna oe s rgarb.mere. y eshpTI panidihgorn eienhtdfch is a inienMnlveile eryddga n ,erfl aeBetrmsisacn asmlatou inbdnewmduigws itr itn oniilpnngor abkdgnwt,o ute he tiiishnranssnh dd dbr e ueeudfalsmotg rp tluieowaosnnennwdots--
Associatial user an atbeuonttchheo Brhitaaauvtimev erbnieneedsns ( 1dm9isi7cgluhas,t s 1ien9df8 lu3ine) nadcneedp tthLhee, wadliebsv e(ei1lt9o h8p1ym)p.eo nHthto eowtfice cavolelmry,, p tbheye- dbloiogmtihce anllolsygio,i cnbasel lc(yai.,eu a.s,s e ra ed scopoionnnsgse isqvoue eninneccslseu adonef dsc rado ebsmsrionaagnd dethirn egr atnwnegsoes ) toh, fae nopdrae rteeiccnoat--l
al du configurational approach makes it difficult to move from the ing than had been represented in Baumrind's earlier sample of
ogicdivi hypothetical to the empirical. This is especially true when com- mainly conscientious parents.
Psycholof the in ptaanrtilsyo ndsif faerree nlitm piaterden ttoin cgo smtyplaersi,s boencsa ousf ec hwilidthrienn- grraoisuepd sitnu dbileas- dimIne nesairolinesr mofo dpealrse notfi nsgo,c iwalaizramtitohn o br aasend aottnri btwutoe osritmhoilgaor ntaol
n e would be necessary to specify the operative socialization pro- warmth (e.g., acceptance, love, etc.) was always one of the critical
as
erical u cesses. Unfortunately, the richness and detail of the data dimensions. In Maccoby and Martin's (1983) model, however,
Amson Baumrind gathered in her research necessarily restricted the the contingency of parent and child behavior replaced warmth
he per size of the samples she studied, making the critical within- as an organizing element:
y the group comparisons unfeasible.
yrighted bolely for t dtaetrIisvnc eor erptearsor estnhpteesc ftpa,c rato tdrheuvactiee, wdce oosmfp tiphteeet c eLonent wscisihstei-lBndtra eeunvm,i drwiennedc s eati rtlhgl audtmo a eunntohtt o urrnei--- tbWfhoeerhhc aeecvtmhhiioeelrdrn) t,p ba(aymsr epreneratosnapvilon idngried,n sipgpnr ogcen ossduniimtvfrfeoaenlbr eeltsynos,t ittahbhleelay tc v httiheoilwe dd ,epe doas rirare emsnd tce sor aenanlrtydien a g"usse nhpndaate rpseriiennrietgnad"-l
opd s ally know how or why. Both the attribution and social learning sensitivity and adaptation to the child's signals, states, and needs,
This document is chis article is intende hpnbyueisrptms otphstehe cte ehtsimrveosepu saig rrihoecf afcwelor he rrivcieinchdtt ee snriuescc selhta in cnaekgnci enahsgssy.saporoyct ihtaoeti saoelnslo wmab iugoshu ttto c jtouhmdeg eem waebhcohiucath-, BaIuncwcmt hluhuerhred irecnneeron sdt nth ahcsemfetayfapeos tact erur te,eids o siegnfifgdi rveen oretcasrhn le s eiopn,m nrctaap ontiohsdnwere ct b oaepwenrpahkthrtlaes eyvn n (oitf 1o'rfst9roh r 7imoeem8yfs , pptt hahuoreal1nes t9 c esoc8ih rvfo0ie leng,wdn ta,ia ern(1drspgml9se.e 93stanhs9lnt a,l)o dy,wf bdth1hueie9ctm h9ca 1aoilnbsnno-)--,
T Maccoby and Martin's (1983) Two-Dimensional
dingness to reflect the balance of demands between society (as
Framework
reflected through the parent) and the individual. She has writ-
Whatever its limitations, Baumrind's authoritative-authori- ten,
tarian-permissive typology proved a fruitful focus for research
on parenting. By the early 1980s, this tripartite model was
firmly established in the field of child development and served 2 More recently, Baumrind (1983) has written that "differences
as the organizing heuristic for most discussions of parents' in- among authoritative, permissive, and authoritarian families should be
fluence on their children's development. However, although attributed to contrasting styles of managing parent-child disciplinary
conflict" (p. 138; also see Cooper, 1988). In some respects, this appears
Baumrind specifically limited the scope of her investigation to
to be a restatement of the typology's conceptual derivation. However,
the influence of parenting variations within well-functioning
although the typology originally was denned according to stylistic
families, other researchers were interested in a broader range.
differences in parents' orientation toward their socialization duties
In an influential review published in the Handbook of Child
(i.e., toward control), it actually was operationalized in terms of the
Psychology, Maccoby and Martin (1983) attempted to merge management of conflict.
492
NANCY DARLING AND LAURENCE STEINBERG
Demandingness refers to the claims parents make on the child to back into a framework based on quantitative differences mea-
become integrated into the family whole by their maturity de- sured along two dimensions.
mands, supervision, disciplinary efforts and willingness to con-
front the child who disobeys. Responsiveness refers to actions
which intentionally foster individuality, self-regulation and self- Style as Context: An Integrative Model
assertion by being attuned, supportive and acquiescent to the
child's special needs and demands. (1991a, p. 748) We noted earlier that past models of parenting have identi-
fied three characteristics of parents that determine the pro-
In other words, demandingness refers to the parent's willing- cesses through which parenting style influences child develop-
ness to act as a socializing agent, whereas responsiveness refers ment: the values and goals parents have in socializing their
to the parent's recognition of the child's individuality. Thus the children, the parenting practices they employ, and the attitudes
two dimensions reflect two types of demands: those made by they express toward their children. We have argued that a very
the society on the child (as conveyed through the parent) and real tension has existed in the literature between building typol-
those made by the child on society. Baumrind (1978) cogently ogies of parenting style to capture the parenting milieu, or ge-
laid out this balance in her discussion of how authoritative par- stalt, and attempting to understand the mechanisms through
blishers. ed broadly. debnualtaasl niiscnteisc tio, ltlah uientros-ntororuimmenoetuensdt,a, la rccutoilvmee-fp toehltlieonnwkciienn ggb .yte hnedlepnincgie tsh ewirit hch iinlddirvein- bwpeahyrieocnhnt disn atgy "lsfeat ymilneifl lyui neatndocd eirstes s csch"o immldpo oddneeelv neotlf o pppamarreetnns.tt i nIbfg y wa nedd ias rauegn gdtroee rgsmatatoinnvdge
one of its allied puot to be disseminat adtnonea,fdmA ti hnMleteeshd ,apo rtautbhtigyetnehy (r r t1noeh9ssnep8 ld y3oaeu) nas etspchixrpvoiprebrlonieitcxedaiis trmsbliy ayaa ns tBne ead,pa n auaddrnma eadtmreu iddtnaho dnto h.dnr Feiiotnioatrg rt ddi neviiexrseesca cspum taslhpsyraeil oevnc,neto i M ronfrfgeaa psmcspactiyoorlelinbeandysr- edwltmahlreeteeei m dnnsupig,ea gr nmtosgitucnseoce gsdohst sef ph elasrsos ou wmcocteh fhots h rdspaoeee aussmlr,e.ge owhneIdnl teeiew n mtlfh ghoiee incn csu ptthhsysr i elsfpoevitaut oi rmortreo iunuacgsttase titsletn ehncgaceotc tirincso oaottnnyesu x,l an eotw t .nw i neIfhpn ofdorl ruoitl sehetcch.ine usIesc ns sses eceasesr crdu ctttii chohctiihunaale--lt,
Association or al user and is n sntBpataayaltr luiceeomon,n mtarssli. mtn hDdaoun iunsfdafgi ecihdrar e trenideaocicsnseiotps inp nriioagnnctu gtiteit hsyrehna oersqefd fu craaooilummmitt yhpmt oohourrefitn itacrain octditanv itstiercoco uhfnlsr a osbarimeanotcd nwta eueouresfti ehsnpt ooiaacrfruis etet anhxrttopiihanlraaing-t- osoiluctyhcc'sehu r cr upiwnlrtofuilcturheeesi,nns cec etslhas s emos u,fa atoysmri d(iclaeyon tmdhs eeppt otirimsonibgtmia.o ebnWdl.yiea tdreeo cs)e ovtgtainnriygze , a,s suo caf h cf aousun rtchsteei,o fnathm oa-tf
al du Researchers from Symonds (1939) to Dornbusch et al. (1987)
can Psychologicuse of the indivi tttmioamhtnaaipnvto odemrre iatnylanyg n dgnst r oeaadlsunesittls,hyi tnbo iognerni,cg t awuatuhriaisseareh mn imt nhtpgeheaa ,yfr seae duannortdtue s nmr cmeooestea ,ni rynstc ucniovclofuhe tdrn ebeaeses sap scsor.saenepsssttirsuvimcreetneidven setissnn eo amsfns doo, tdhadeueelrs-- chwppharahiivralieedctn eh'ast ritmnaghcgueaq eynbud nesi seohtihrcatsiaivo,at inl oist zhro.oeec T f it avhhslapee lesisurecke icisfslhi olpcsicl a,sdi rakareleninilzndtlass a taairhocneona dlcd d rgeb imotaeinachildacasl v tiaidhnobeecrit lslegui rt(odmyeae.)gli nbs.a, ao ntanotdphtw sp tatrhhoroedef-
merinal As Maccoby and Martin (1983) noted, denning configura- child's development of more global qualities (e.g., curiosity, criti-
hted by the Ay for the perso dcttieuiofalfnnteia erbles en tiydcnp e fisoon lriton eegr mitpehrspee iutrdasietciinvaogeln l tlo.yi Ipnptm eoisale ortn egdtmi ieompsf e tatinhnnsegdi , oc mfnhosiarl y cde axrlneeana mpd orp oftlo vea e,us t uatoh b oPdtlrreeiost cacdrtriiuifvbfsiee-- cedbxaeirlphe eactrvhti iieaonnfrfkc eitecnht j gaoot,y nit nohpdrea eslreope vengento)idn.a eAglns lb ctceehah,o naus vgpiinhiorf ritl,thu uieeta nsilescit eoyg no,t lhaaylne st d had rnetohdvue egv lohacp laupipneaasgrc e hinctayhtv iineltdog a
opyrigd solel arenndt aalu rtehsoproitnasriivaenn epsasr ebnetcsa uasse r eins uMltiancgc ofrboym a nddif fMeraerntcines's itny ppoal-- (fBlueecnkceerd, 1b9y6 t4h)e.s We geo parlos paorese o ft haat tl etahset tawttori bduistteisn cotf tpyapreesn: tpinagre innt--
This document is chis article is intende oadtnitiuigeynfsty fghsoe u.bofr i eorsItinhtnhthcae ee tcidsisrovt tyndeawl tseearocmsnar asdoiabst f,npae pdeudacait lnhtrttsheogo no norritufeeti gasndssrphge iom iaasBnnr adse anpii uvfddafmeeirennefrrigneeinsnntnessdetd .,as Iss(aan1: bsd 9 orefhe8vamis9cegtt)a rh, ia n dcnBidtendiias vn dcuebgremnei,mb eytrsehoiasndenn d ( ddqs b iiudnmotaihgtslihe---- oetainhnnrgidcPds ee apsdr ro rtietahsconctei ittauiniirlncnci egzcdtsiha eop tirinalrsodan tnrcbadet en ignctpdo'wsea a streldh seeaee.nnr v Aetp eip rnbltorotgeaecp hcnesmtasdtiyvsceielineneos gt.ra ,t ss nMh rcddrehooe sosrefuoetiaygnolrl hecvef dheu.wr enb,rh cysiwt c ismhoep nepauscars igartfe nuimncde t csatso ihpninanatttfane liknuinn--t
T
lar to what others [e.g., Schaefer, 1965; Steinberg et al., 1989] ing are both examples of parenting practices. Depending on the
have called psychological control) and firm control (similar to hypothesized relationship between a socialization goal and a
what others [e.g., Steinberg et al., 1989] have called behavioral child outcome, practices may be operationalized at different
control). Both authoritative and authoritarian parents are high levels. For example, if one were interested in the development
in firm control, but only authoritarian parents are highly restric- of adolescent self-esteem, one might hypothesize that the chil-
tive (i.e., high in psychological control). dren of parents who showed interest in their child's activities
The move by Maccoby and Martin (1983) away from the would develop more positive self-esteem than would children
configurational approach toward one that defined configura- whose parents did not. In such a case, it would make sense to
tions on the basis of orthogonal dimensions marked an equate such diverse parental behaviors as attending baseball
attempt—reminiscent of earlier attempts to differentiate un- games or school functions, asking about the child's friends, and
derlying dimensions of parenting style—to tease apart the pro- going to art museums at the child's request as different manifes-
cesses that underlie the influence of style. By 1983, qualitatively tations of the same basic practice. If the socialization goal is
different types of parental authority had been transformed school achievement and the hypothesized process of influence
PARENTING STYLE AS CONTEXT 493
is communicating the importance of academics, parenting Adolescent's
1 Parenting
Willingness
practices such as making time for the child to do homework,
Style tobe
attending school functions, and inquiring about grades might Socialized
Parental
all be considered equivalent. Parenting practices are best un-
Goals and
derstood as operating in fairly circumscribed socialization do- Values
mains, such as academic achievement, independence, or coop-
Parenting Adolescent
eration with peers. Depending on the specific developmental
Practices Outcomes
outcome of interest, different parenting practices would be
more or less important to investigate.
Figure 1. Contextual model of parenting style. Parenting goals for
A second class of parenting attributes influenced by parents'
socialization influence both parenting style (Arrow 1) and parenting
goals and values is parenting style. Earlier, we denned parent-
practices (Arrow 2). Parenting practices have a direct effect on specific
ing style as a constellation of attitudes toward the child that are child developmental outcomes (Arrow 3). In contrast, parenting style
communicated to the child and create an emotional climate in influences child development primarily through its moderating influ-
which the parent's behaviors are expressed. These behaviors ence on the relationship between parenting practices and developmen-
ers. oadly. ipnrcalcutidcee sa sapse cwtse llo af s tohteh ebre hasapveiocrtss othf apt aerenncot-mchpialsds inptaerreancttiinogn tnaels os utotc poamreenst (aAl rsroocwia 4li)z aatnido nth (Arorurogwh i5t)s. iTnhfleu cenhciled 'osn o ptheen ncehsilsd t'os soopceina-l-
ed publishminated br otbhru artgs tcosoa lmo fdm eteufminnipecdeart:e , t oeamnndeo tsoioofn oavnlo .ia ctTeti,ht uubdso,ed ygb luoltba anargle u pnaaogrete ,ng otiiannlag td tseirtnyetclieote nids, cizhaitldio'sn daelvseol ompmodeenrta (tAesr rothwe 6i)n.fluence of parenting practice on the
one of its alliot to be disse esadoxtitsmpittraueeld s ovsefeas dtr hoi apefb atblrheete lhmyiar te vhpdiraoioarretsuen gfdtrhs o.t mp hPar roawerunehgntihictni hpng crg oph rxsialtidycmltrieeac nlei s psi ,nan rfboeeetrn c sttaiihunmesg pe ep lmtyrha aoec sttmieioc onaearrseel, phrorewalpc t 3itch)e.e sIi rna crceho itnlhdter aa smttta ei(cnah natdhn eiisnimr cssoo tnchtirraoaliduzigashttii onwncth igioconha l pst oa(r Fepinrgetusvr iedo iur1es, c Aatlury--
on or d is n however. thors), the primary processes through which parenting style
Associatial user an ewnhtUi cashisn taghn eB ceaoxunamcmreippnltde d' soi ff(f1 ea9r s7 p flaraor)em pn rttiohntagot t ysotpfy epl eao,r few anneti nnaguo ttpher oatrcwittioact eiwv. eaFy ipsr asirtn,- aiinnltgfel urthse enth ceeefs fp eacctrhievineltdns e' sdcsea ovpfea lctohitpeymi rt oepn astro ecanirateiln izgie np tdrhiaerceitrci ctc.eh si.Pl dFarrreeonnm tbi nythg ci hss aptnyeglre--
al du unlike our descriptions of parenting practice, the description of spective, parenting style can best be thought of as a contextual
ogicdivi the authoritative style is independent of the content of the par- variable that moderates the relationship between specific par-
n Psychole of the in ebhnaintli dng gihv ebere- ahpnaodvl-iictoairek.s eT, habunusdt, ashhnea rar euasuth twhooriitrthiat attihtvieve e cmnheoisltsdh eitrsh eein nrdceoeapuseoranngdineesgn vtb eoerf-- eonf tWpinaerg eh pnyrtpainocgttih cpeerssai czatenic tdhe sas tpo epnc aitrfhieecn ctdihenivglde s'lstoy dplemev meenlootdapelm roaeutnetcts o itnmh eae ts il.nefalsute tnwceo
as
erical u the content of her socialization. For example, one authoritative ways: by transforming the nature of the parent-child interac-
mn parent might have a policy stating that homework must be fin- tion, and thus moderating the specific practices' influence on
Aso
he per ished before the child engages in any other activity, whereas child outcomes (Figure 1, Arrow 4), and by influencing the
y the another might require outdoor exercise before homework is child's personality, especially the child's openness to parental
hted by for t tinacgk lperda.c Ttihceuss , iinn otuhra mt oidt edl,e pscarriebnetsi ngp asrtyelnet d-cifhfeilrds frionmte rpaacrtieonnt-s tihnfel upeanrcte o(Ff icghuirled 1 i, nA trurornw 5m).o Tdehrias toeps etnhnee sass stooc siaotcioianli zbaetitowne eonn
yrigolel across a wide range of situations, whereas practices are by defi- parenting practices and child outcome (Figure 1, Arrow 6).
opd s nition domain specific. For example, it is widely reported that adolescent school per-
This document is chis article is intende osrpBatflyaat Shluyseeepme crced oroc tinhinanfdcavidcrn,e'o syb s stseosof ct rwcoaaaiua ma trsrhldaieeezn w tapcghtohaeieorri klcenodh,n f itttclphihodneaen'gs rtpe saebantuneyrthttel-h,eanc o vhtair'isnsioi l ttdradah. tt etibTiiovnteouretcee dratrmeeuiact scuotaeotrtli wholnyaen ao rsirsn n,dt ccdy poetelh eampae reg eimncsanh diutndieinln indstigo-t-, astfnniocceooharsnnmdosa eooauomflntif htnc ihcpoegi ar s(iir aetsaea.c sgntehs.itn,ievs eSrh'ev tta iseeponcmvanhcer,eeo enndhonsto lot bswniy in (se& vS vpotg eaBelrrrive,aen weaknbmteeetear rreh,l gn a1,aitv 9n mLie8vn as7oo hm)nlf.voa gbIewc nomian lraieun tt ntha,rh tetaD oictnir enotgihnt r atentaht edbieevxouf eaflscee mchcshtictihli,envd a&nea'ns-t-
T
cates her authority to the child through her comfort in asserting Darling, 1992), that is, the magnitude of the correlation be-
her influence; she communicates her recognition of the child's tween school involvement and academic performance varies as
separateness and capacity to understand through her explana- a function of the level of parental authoritativeness in the par-
tions; and she communicates her respect for the child through ent-child relationship generally. One might speculate that au-
her reluctance to assert her will superfluously. thoritative parents are more effective during school-related in-
In the model we propose, both parenting style and parenting teractions with the child, such as helping the adolescent choose
practices result in part from the goals and values parents hold courses, because their use of explanations, their encourage-
(Figure 1, Arrows 1 and 2). Yet we posit that each of these parent- ment of discussion, and their acknowledgement of the adoles-
ing attributes influences the child's development through dif- cent's perspective help the adolescent make more intelligent
ferent processes. Parenting practices have a direct effect on the decisions. This is an example of how style may enhance the
development of specific child behaviors (from table manners to effectiveness of a specific parenting practice, making it a better
academic performance) and characteristics (such as acquisition practice than it would be in a different stylistic context (Figure
of particular values, or high self-esteem). In essence, parenting 1, Arrow 4).
494
NANCY DARLING AND LAURENCE STEINBERG
In addition, authoritativeness may enhance the effectiveness tical. At the same time, we would also hypothesize that children
of a practice through its influence on the child's openness to of authoritative parents who do not emphasize academic perfor-
socialization, for example, by increasing the child's desire to mance will perform worse in school than will authoritatively
make his or her parents proud in a domain known to be impor- reared youngsters whose parents' practices emphasize achieve-
tant to them (Figure 1, Arrow 5). Thus, authoritative parents' ment.
involvement in school activities may communicate the impor-
tance they place on academics to an adolescent who is already
Directions for Future Socialization Research
receptive to parental values, thus enhancing the impact of in-
volvement (Figure 1, Arrow 6). Conversely, authoritarian parent- The conceptual distinction we offer between parenting prac-
ing may increase adolescents' resistance to parental advice, and tices and parenting style both advances the study of socializa-
this resistance might attenuate the otherwise beneficial effects tion in the family and facilitates the examination of three unre-
of involvement. solved issues in the study of familial influences on child devel-
Although both types of processes (increasing the effective- opment: First, how does the influence of parenting style vary as
ness of parents' attempts to guide children and enhancing chil- a function of the cultural background of the developing person?
ers. oadly. dpraerne'ns toinpgen nsteyslse to(e g.gu.,i dBanacuem) rhianvde, b1ee9n67 d)i,s ceuasrsleiedr wmitohd reelgsa rhda vtoe Sinefcluoenndc, ews hcahti ladr ed tehvee plorpomceesnset?s Tthhroirudg,h w whhati cahr ep atrheen tidnegt esrtmylie-
blished br failed to distinguish between the style of the socializing agent nants of parenting style? In this section, we briefly discuss each
ed puminat (ree.cgt.,e dth, eo r pthaere mnte),a nths eth grooualgsh twowhiacrhd p warhenicths astotecmialpitz atoti osonc iiasl idzie- of Cthoenstee xitsusaule sv.ariability. An important question raised in the
one of its alliot to be disse twrhehseFeeioran rr c coehhxni.aeldm arepttnlee.m , Ttphhtesi s a tsocs ouinnmftoeprutpinordnei t nthtgha eits urpenasdruetlirtclsiu eolsaf rcployam rpeprnaotribinlsegom nssat ytoilcef oWFrefo chrpe iaenterxte ,a wnmmtoiipndrlkgde ,lst ehbt-yaocltlte ah hsa saDn sdso aerpmxnrpbapauclntseicdsch eei dsse wvts aoahrclei.iet ah(s1le ia9zrc8 aar7toni)osd ans n wcdruhe lSyste tuteahriraencl bh icen orbfgnleu tyeeeotxn natcsdle..
Association or al user and is n ttbmihveei eg alahytctt arribedbaeeur metaedridgc cu psheeoidlrlde ftloryher anmtt o ai asnsd tctohyelal eoitss fctt ahiecune t tdhdsi oifffrfferietoraremetnin cvceaeesul.yst h baIoennrt dwiot antehteoienvnr ea t uwhfteaohmmrodri slic,ita eains-t (aat1hum9oth9ori1onta)rg,it ituvaEtseuii vnrpeoganp rdeeeisanfsnft ei-arn engandn,t dhas acpvHhpeoir sfoopolaa ucnpnhiedecr s-tfA hotaormmt ettharheinec c ameans e siaoasscd uimoarlteueimosccnhee nnbsttt esrot owftn heagaeuenn-r
al du perform better than their peers from nonauthoritative families among Asian- and African-American adolescents. Many hy-
ogicdivi solely because of their parents' emotional supportiveness and potheses have been offered for this difference, including coun-
n Psychole of the in nhinoigtnehar pusrttehatnoadrtiiatoarndti sv ie(gi nfp oaarureetshn ottsrh ietma tapiyvo esansliesbosis l idwtiyfe freterh asiton datuhetneh nogerodita)al. tsiS vtueoc wha anarddn tfdeoerrm vaaiccila idsnuegcm cpieecse srs ufoocrrc ecysoosm,u tamhnsud n fritohtyme inrdefillfaufteeirvneecn etf su,e nstochctniiioacnl adbliaisscimkngc eoronf utianvcdeass-
as
cu which they direct their children or the methods they use to help (Steinberg, Dornbusch, & Brown, 1992). An additional hypoth-
merinal their children reach those goals. For example, although most esis, however, concerns differences in the goals toward which
he Aperso parents hope that their children will excel academically, author- parents socialize their children. It is possible that authoritative
y the itative, permissive, and authoritarian parents may differ in the parenting as a style is equally effective in socializing children
hted by for t rleenlacteiv aen idm spoocriatal nscuec ctehsesy o pr lainc et hoen w thaye sg iona wlsh oifc ha cthadeyem hiecl pe xthceeilr- acchrioldssre na lal rceu slotuciraalli zceodn,t eaxntds ,t hbuust ptahraetn ttsh'e p rgaocatlisc etso, wvaarrdy awchroicshs
yrigolel children succeed. these very same ecologies (Baumrind, 197la). Before conclud-
opd s Although previous researchers have recognized this di- ing that authoritative parenting, or, for that matter, any other
This document is chis article is intende sssl11etot99yyml86vllee77me ))dva ,ao sa itr nhre aii eien ot sch rdt doefhiermrleo erii mbmnrt io enmt oxhamnpateio elioamr vn ngeeu ar xtoostoitpfuo w lpbnaia cesltlri o dton t fchota howten ens ho eucynn en eletpdyhlxte eeutrm r ea(sicilnet.ioeanfz.lgnat,us ndteD iiion(znoence.grge dn .o o,ob bfffuB u ppspatcra auoharrmce leseennorsttti siinarnn.e ldgIg.-,t, scapktocnayhnProleeitwreen oovx tcssfeteu s ps,trs shpaoweerrcseisei seano in lftnig eizginoenelgdafy ll, tu s tlhieo.isten tikcmlreen . oca orhbweoi lD uomdtrer oestlhprneeise t sa eap ne brfdmoof eucatcethnt sietyvsh eeepy s rei gtanahoc rrdastoil icsfoufe ftges orrh weet nhwsatee rhaycdiru c cuwhlhst h,uep ir wacatrohle-
T
is to this problem that we address our model. enting style influences the development of children's compe-
Concretely, we postulate that the extent to which children tence. Although the implicit processes proposed have nearly
manifest a particular psychological or behavioral characteristic always included changes in characteristics of the child (presum-
varies as a joint function of (a) the extent to which the practices ably through modeling or changes in cognitive complexity, attri-
the parents use are correlated with that specific outcome and butions, or the emotional relationship with the parent), re-
(b) the extent to which the style the parents use is effective in search documenting these processes is scant. In one exception
influencing the child in general. Accordingly, predictions about to this general trend, Steinberg et al. (1989) found that the rela-
the consequences of various socialization techniques must take tionship between parenting style and adolescents' academic per-
into account both style and practice. For example, we would formance was mediated specifically through changes in adoles-
hypothesize that the children of authoritative parents who em- cent psychosocial maturity. More research is needed that speci-
phasize school performance through their parental practices fies both the discrete aspects of parenting style that influence
will perform better in school than will the children of nonau- changes in child characteristics and how these changes mediate
thoritative parents whose education-specific practices are iden- the relationship between style and behavioral outcome. This
PARENTING STYLE AS CONTEXT 495
kind of basic research would provide insight, for example, into parents' efforts to socialize their children may hold the greatest
such questions as whether the difference between patterns of promise for future research on familial influences on child and
drug use in the adolescents of authoritative parents and demo- adolescent development. Because parenting style is best under-
cratic parents (i.e., warm parents who do not assert their author- stood as a context within which socialization occurs, rather
ity as clearly as do authoritative parents; Baumrind, 1989) result than as a socialization practice itself, careful investigations of
from differences in the adolescents' desire for parental ap- how the effectiveness of specific parenting practices varies as a
proval, differences in the contingency of parental approval vis- function of this context must be conducted.
a-vis the adolescent's behavior, differences in the type of peers
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Conclusion
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one of its allied puot to be disseminat MLeattEwwhac.cteoi isMo oo,fb dna.Cy ,m H ,.o IiCfLEel yt.t:.h h : (E De1eP.r 9o,afi 8rn&irsn1ege d)nMty.oi tn T-naPcgh rrh(steeVi.i snlePosd,f .ls f.Jyie E.ncc Atthdse.o .)r ol,a(o 1fcHg 9tpiai8coan3arnd)le. .b n BISotnuoao llkclP e if.atoi Hilrfnim z.c, ah M9tcii0looud,nns 5pst re4sionyn7lc :-th( 5hASo6eel 3 orrci.geeoyisnn: ttEVeedroxp.lt). r o&e4-f. SSttee(cv3vi1h6ane9ir.bnl9idees1r'od)sg.n ,se, Ac cLhoDulo.to,,oh g&Moli crp ioaBteluara ntfkniotveisrcer,m h, eNDapsna... c r(JeSe1on..9, ut 8CirLn7nhg)aai. ml lTda bo nhDfode rR e nfveaa,esd melooSailp.lre ymcsD-hcse. e,cno nht&n,to Ao5aDl8dd o,jor ule1resnl3satbm4ctiue8oens-nnc1c teh3 a,,5 na 17Scd,.r .1o th9Mses-.
Psychological Association or of the individual user and is n SOPRcaorhS4pPNlrgasa6roaeenooe,cmrw sfcnsieka,e1p s rylsY-,h,Ci4 s ,zTl oE.8.aeH r.N,t.tRk .iS &o:eN.( . W1nw ( (o9B,11 .i4Y99 alp1e95l6eoey0)90rr.s8.s )k),I).o .:n. R A nAFfWaa. r clnetFiiahtter .lyec c l(,rPiu1a naamrr9gpnee5pfids sa5osl tnse)r 'o.sodxd Ffc, v pmiaGPiaeemAlowrl iesdd:l ony eoePn,cvfl e a eosfpnllooeioedt.rcrply iesmma.o lPHaeniztnaseiaytllr t lcni(.gho4aoontlah l ol baesgend ih(d.cP,a aievpnlnip toBde. rlur1.ea l -lJce1Hotti0uioinrl1nl-,) SWWyaAhNNmti seotocoiwrrnnntod og,Ys sn,s J,o.-J .c r.PB kuW.:l. tM( uA1Mr.9p a.(2pl,1 8ls&9et)u3t. Cod9Pny)hs..- iy ClTcNdehh,en oewIt l.uop LHgrsyiy.ac -cR(vaC1heel9or nvco5l,aoif3 strgC)sie.yo. T Con:fo h YfiRi rnlaepdfelaca ecnter retUeia ivnvinanteeni-idvcddneh g JricJ sluahduinlti nyylddr e e.2Pp l4N1raee,rt,esi11swoso99n. n9s9Yah12loiiprtyks::.
n e nal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 59, 226-235. Accepted July 27,1992 •
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