Non-violence and social change

290 Pages·1998·1.602 MB·English

by  Mathur, Jagannath Swaroop

Non-violence and Social
Change

Editor: Dr. J. S. Mathur,

Hon. Director, Gandhi Bhawan, University of Allahabad

Asst. Editor: Dr. P. C. Sharma,

Hon. Secretary, Gandhi Bhawan, University of Allahabad

First Published: October 1977

Printed & Published by:
Jitendra T. Desai
Navajivan Mudranalaya
380 014
Ahmedabad (INDIA)
Non-violence and Social Change

FOREWORD
Social change remains as necessary as ever in the present world of under-
developed economics. The ratio between incomes of the "highest" and the
"lowest"— tenth of people — measured according to their consumption
possibilities has increased, notwithstanding the efforts made to develop. Many
schools of thought see no other way out of this terrible contrast than one of
violence. Yet violence itself is making for much misery. Mahatma Gandhi has
always non-violent social change. India got its political independence without
violence. Gandhian thought was not of a passive nature; it did constitute a
revolution in thinking. So it seems clear that his thought deserves being spread
again. I am happy to recommend one such attempt — this book on Non-violence
and Social Change, a product of Professor J. S. Mathur's infatiguable work in the
University of Allahabad.
Jan Tinbergen

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PREFACE
We are happy that papers received for our Seminar on Non-violence and Social
Change are being published in the present volume. The Seminar was held from
30th Jan. 1971 to 1st Feb. 1971 and was jointly sponsored by Gandhi Bhawan
and Christian Institute for the Study of Religion and Society. Sri Sumitranandan
Pant inaugurated the Seminar. Sri Devendra Kumar Gupta, Secretary, Gandhi
Smarak Nidhi delivered the valedictory address. Professor A. B. Lai the then
Vice- Chancellor presided over the inaugural session. The Seminar was divided
into four discussion groups, viz :
1. Basic Objective of Social Change,
2. Gandhian Aspect of Non-violence,
3. Non-violence and Rapidity of Change,
4. Non-violence and Institutional Change.
The theme of the Seminar evoked keen interest from scholars inside and
outside the country as will be evident from the list of contributors.
We are sorry that we were not in a position to record the inspiring addresses of
Sri Sumitranandan Pant, Prof. A. B. Lai and Sri Devendra Kumar Gupta. Similarly
for reasons beyond our control and limitations under which we worked, we
could not take notes of the discussion that took place on the various subjects
and papers during the three days' Seminar.
We are happy to put on record that we received a grant of Rs. 9,750/- from the
University Grants Commission, Rs. 2,000/- from Gandhi Peace Foundation,
Rs. 5000/- from U. P. Govt., and Rs. 2,000/- from Christian Institute for the
study of religion and society. But for these grants it would not have been
possible to organise the Seminar and to publish papers that were received.
We are thankful to various scholars who very kindly agreed to send us an
abridged version of their papers to enable us to manage the publication within
our resources. Unabridged version of these papers are available in. our library.
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We are sorry to observe that in the academic life of our country, adequate
interest has not been shown in the study of Gandhiji*s ideas and techniques of
change with a view to examine their significance and relevance for the solution
of problems of contemporary society with particular reference to the socio-
economic environment in our country and developing society. While in the
developed world large number of institutions devoted to peace research are
studying Gandhiji's ideas, we in our country have not even thought of assigning
a secondary place to this study. The UGC was expected to give a lead in this
connection; large sums have already been invested in the setting up of Gandhi
Bhawans. Some of these Bhawans are doing commendable work and the need is
to develop them into full-fledged institutes for Gandhian Thought and Peace
Studies. We hope that the academic community under the leadership of the
University Grants Commission will reconsider their policy of neglecting the
study of Gandhiji's ideas which continue to be living force today.
We are thankful to all those who have extended their support to our activities
and towards the publication of the present volume — more particularly to Dr. P.
C. Sharma, Mr. N. K. Qhosh and Dr. K. M. Pandey, who helped us in editing the
volume. Sri Shiv Pratap Singh, Kum. Priti Adaval and Dr. D. N. Dvivedi took
considerable pains to translate articles from Hindi to English.
We have no words to express our gratitude to Prof. J. Tinbergen, who very
kindly wrote Foreword for our publication and gave us the benefit of his august
personality. This is a debt which can never be adequately acknowledged.
We are thankful to the Navajivan Publishing House for bringing out the present
volume.
We will feel amply rewarded if the present publication rouses in the academic
community a desire to study Gandhiji's ideas in all its ramification.
J. S. Mathur
P C. Sharma

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INTRODUCTION
Humanity stands at cross-road today. Several scholars and statesmen are
worried about the catastrophy that humanity faces if we do not act with
restraint and reason. One of the scholars remarked, "To-day, by the fact that
everything seems possible to us, we have a feeling that the worst of all is
possible; retrogression, barbarism, decadence." This is just an example of the
despondency that has struck the thinking people all over the world.
Developments in the international sphere have compelled people to have a new
look at the socio-economic and political problems, that stare us in the face
today. Ecological imbalances, exhaustion of non-renewable resources,
prolification of nuclear power, the division of the world and nations in groups
and blocs; the problem of exploitation of nations by nations and even within
nations of one section by another is a serious threat to stability and prosperity.
There are reasons to doubt and question the concept of growth and
development as is widely prevalent today.
The problems of developing countries like ours with mass poverty and
unemployment, the demoralisation that poverty leads to and the inadequacy of
the accepted techniques of growth and development to solve these problems
have compelled people to think in terms of a new approach to these problems.
Gandhiji had visualized these problems and in his own way, suggested solutions
of the problem that this country is facing so that the process of growth and
development enables even the lowliest and humblest to feel the glow, to get
deeply involved in the process of growth and development and prevent misuse-
of the process of growth for sectional and group interests. Some people think
that in independent India of today Gandhiji's concrete scheme of production of
wealth through decentralized industries had no validity or meaning. This will be
true only if the conditions under which Gandhiji formulated his scheme had
undergone radical change. This is not so. Even after nearly 30 years of
independence and five five-year plans we remain where we were in terms of
teeming millions. In the social sphere also there is no perceptible change. The
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masses remain largely untouched by our schemes of development and have lost
whatever strength they had acquired during the struggle for independence. We
look for the solution of our problems in external factors and forces and have
been incapacitated to take initiative even in respect of minor matters. Under
these circumstances "people and sometimes whole nations come to loose their
confidence in peaceful change through democratic and non-violent means and
so become desperate and opt to resort to force."
In the western world one comes across a number of movements associated with
the problems of peace. These efforts have proved ineffective largely because
they do not try to tackle the problem of emergence of non-exploitative society
within national boundaries. Gandhiji had realised that in order to be a peaceful
nation in the international sphere, we have to be a non-exploitative society
inside national borders.
The participants at the Seminar discussed several issues concerning peaceful
rapid changes of the existing socio-economic order and held the view that such
changes are possible through peaceful methods.
The salient features of a new socio-economic order should be emergence of
society which eschews violence and exploitation, encourages cooperation
among individuals, groups and nations, brings about greater equality and
enables socio-economic changes through the initiative of the people not only
through nonviolent means but also with adequate rapidity. In contrast what one
notices is a split personality of individuals, groups and nations. On the one hand
man cannot live without man and on the other hand he fears the other man.
One wants love and truth for oneself; but gives hatred to others. Before
Gandhiji made his experiments some sort of vested interest had developed in
respect of qualities like truth and non-violence and they were considered the
exclusive preserve of the saints. As a consequence while science was
progressing, humanity was lagging behind. Love, compassion and kindness were
not the concern of the scientist. Gandhiji demonstrated that there is need for
radical change in our attitude and the environment.
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If we examine the concept of non-violence as advocated by Gandhiji we will
realize that his was a prescription not of the weak but of the strong. He proved
in his life time that even the unorganized and the weak can perform miracles if
they got trained in the art of non-violent techniques of change. Non-violence
does not mean, passivity or inaction; but a dynamic living force. His non-
violence was an instrument in the struggle for justice and freedom. It is a
permanent revolution and therefore it is dynamic.
Gandhiji's technique as manifested in his life is an exemplary struggle of mass
truth against degradation. Non-violence as practised by Gandhiji had three
basic elements: (i) Creation of a human society involving non-violent methods
of resisting exploitation, (ii) education of oppressed to take positive and
Constructive steps to resist exploitation and development of good and
harmonious relationship between oppressed and oppressor once the struggle
was over, (iii) ushering in of a non-exploitative decentralised economic and
political institution. According to Gandhiji non-violence is a rule of action, it is
the duty. His non-violence is not merely a philosophical principle; it is the rule
of life. Many regard it as an abstract idea but it is a simple yet relentless
imperative. Non-violence as preached and practised by Gandhiji is not a single
virtue or a single quality of life but congeries of qualities or virtues like com-
passion, selflessness, self-renunciation, to the extent of reducing oneself to
zero and fearlessness and therefore to Gandhiji quality matters rather than
numbers. He advocated the practice of non-violence in every walk of life—
individual, institutional, political, social and economic. He believed that
Ahimsa is a weapon of matchless potency even though the results may not be
clearly visible. Non-violence works in a silent, subtle, unseen way and leavens
the whole society. Non-violence, the greatest force at the disposal of mankind,
like charity, must begin at home and those who advocate the use of these
weapons must work to ensure a just, social order within. Non-violence is a must
for democracy and can make the parliamentary system really effective.
There is a wrong notion amongst people and they seem to favour violent
techniques in the false belief that thereby rapid changes can be brought about,
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but "we need not be afraid that the method of non-violence is a slow long
drawn different process. It is swiftest, the world has seen, for it is surest".
Several instances of non-violent techniques bringing about rapid socio-economic
and consequential institutional change having been brought about can be
sighted from Indian experience, and the campaigns organised by Gandhiji. He
gave a death blow to the system of untouchability—an age-old practice —
through his non-violence. His non-violent struggle against the Rowlett bill and
his Salt Satyagraha are other examples of the success of this technique. The
rapidity with which nonviolent techniques succeeded during the communal
disturbances was proved by him during 1946-1947. Lord Mountbatten described
him as 'one man force’. Gandhiji himself held the opinion that "the existing
structure of economic society will not last for 24 hours if my weapon of
Satyagraha can be gripped by the people".
It must, however, be realized that the success of nonviolence depend largely
upon the quality of leadership. It was for this reason that Gandhiji laid down a
very strict code of discipline at his Ashrams, which were his training schools in
the art of non-violent technique. He believed that it may be difficult for the
masses to be disciplined and trained in the theory and art of non-violent action.
The masses, however, can be made effective soldiers of non-violent army by
leaders thoroughly trained in the art of non-violent techniques who can set
personal example before the followers; who have identified themselves with
the masses through various items of constructive programmes that were
suggested by him. That the masses can use these techniques successfully, was
very clearly demonstrated during several campaigns organised under his direct
leadership as also during campaigns organized by others with his blessings.
What Gandhiji said and did were experiments in the use of non-violence. Had
he been alive during the post-independent era he might have carried these
experiments further. Humanity must steadily march towards the attainments of
a socio-economic society based on justice and fair play through non-violence.
We need also mention that a violent change need not be a success, and even
rapid. Several examples can be quoted of either the complete failure of these
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violent efforts or their snail's pace progress, right from the French revolution to
the present-day problems of Vietnam, Korea and Arab-Israel conflict as also of
our relationship with Pakistan. A violent revolution creates a violent structure
in which after having killed one's enemy it is always easy to kill one's friends for
holding opposite views and wrong positions. Therefore the revolution must be
based on non-violence. A non-violent revolution does not simply seek the
liberation of a class or a nation or a race, but it seeks the liberation of
mankind, violence liberates one group and imprisons another, destroys one
authoritarian structure but creates another.
Gandhiji believed that a parliamentary system and democratic functioning of
institutions is not possible without practice of non-violence. He described the
Parliament 'Sterile woman and prostitute’. This he did because he felt that
centralised institute as such cannot permit effective participation of the
masses. The humblest and the meek cannot feel close to other sections of the
society. The rule of law should mean that the weakest member will have his
rights upheld against the most powerful. The proponents of non-violence feel
that it is only through non-violence that equality before the law can be
established.
Gandhiji subscribed to the views that fundamental far- reaching changes can be
brought about in an institution and the society through non-violence, campaigns
and mass action. Gandhiji wanted to change the present economic and political
system, educational and religious institutions to develop a sense of altruism
amongst individuals so that the present motto of individual success and security
par excellence at social cost may be reduced. Gandhiji demonstrated through
his experiments that the practice of truth and non-violence is possible not only
by saints but also by ordinary individuals, groups, communities and nations to
solve the multifarious problems that arise in everyday life. Gandhiji's technique
of truth and non-violence is self-acting and does not depend for its propagation
on a material medium. This technique has its own rules which are definite,
precise and can be capable of being objectified. The change brought by
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Satyagraha transfer power to the masses and make them better organized to
resist evil and oppression.
Eminent scholars are now advocating increasing relevance on Gandhian
techniques. Professor Toynbee observes: "In this hurricane of annihilating
material power mankind will not be able to save itself from self destruction
unless we all of us manage to practise non-violence in our relations with our
fellow-men." He charged us, our country-men, with the responsibility of
spreading his ideas and observed, "You have incurred a rather formidable
obligation both to Gandhiji and history...."
J. S. MATHUR

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