No. 25: Mass Media - Laender-Analysen

20 Pages·2011·0.83 MB·English

No. 25 18 March 2011
Abkhazia
South
caucasus
Ossetia
analytical
Adjara
digest
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MASS MEDIA
■■Traditional Failings versus Non-Traditional Prospects of the Armenian Media 2
By Arpine Porsughyan, Yerevan
■■Media in Azerbaijan: The Ruling Family Dominates TV,
the Opposition Has Some Papers 4
By Arifa Kazimova, Baku
■■Georgia: Immature Media 7
By Nino Robakidze, Tbilisi
■■OPINION POLL
Public Use and Perception of Mass Media in the South Caucasus 12
■■DOCUMENTATION
Assessment of Media Freedom in International Comparison 15
■■CHRONICLE
From 9 February to 10 March 2011 18
Institute for European, Research Centre Center
German Association for HEINRICH BÖLL STIFTUNG
Russian, and Eurasian Studies for East European Studies for Security Studies
East European Studies The George Washington University of Bremen ETH Zurich SOUTH CAUCASUS
University
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 2
Traditional Failings versus Non-Traditional Prospects of the Armenian
Media
By Arpine Porsughyan, Yerevan
Abstract
Despite the large number of media outlets in Armenia, traditional media remains homogenous in its message.
This is especially troublesome in an environment where the majority of the population are passive receivers
and do not seek alternative sources of information. With the absolute dominance of government–friendly
broadcast media, what are the implications for reporting on the political behavior of Armenians and can new
and social media provide a ground for non-elite voices?
The Media Landscape in Armenia of self-censorship to avoid losing their licenses.4 While
On December 16, 2010, the National Commission on newspapers provide alternative political views, their cir-
Television and Radio of Armenia announced the results culation is limited—5,000 copies for the most popular
of the broadcast license tender. A1+, one of the few inde- newspaper. Radio stations generally focus on entertain-
pendent media outlets, was denied a broadcast license ment with the only exception being Radio Free Europe/
for the thirteenth time despite calls from the interna- Radio Liberty.
tional community prior to the voting for offering broad-
cast licenses to new outlets to liberalize the media in Traditional Media and the Population
Armenia. Freedom House Executive Director David J. What are the viewing habits of the population of Arme-
Kramer remarked that “A thirteenth denial of A1+’s law- nia and how much is the population dependent on broad-
ful request for a license would be a slap in the face to cast and print media? The Caucasus Research Resource
advocates of free media everywhere.”1 A1+ was denied a Centers’ Caucasus Barometer 2009 (CRRC CB), a
broadcast license in 2002 and has been off the air since. nation-wide survey conducted annually in the South
Media experts described it as a major setback for media Caucasus asked Armenians about their media prefer-
freedom in Armenia. ences and perceptions. According to the survey data,
Despite the relatively high number of traditional which are documented in the Opinion Poll Section of
media outlets, both state and private, that exist in Arme- this issue, television is the most popular medium in
nia—48 television stations including the local ones, 36 Armenia. The overwhelming majority of the popula-
newspapers and 17 radio stations—, media in Armenia tion receives at least one local language television chan-
suffers from a lack of pluralism, openness and profession- nel and 90 percent of the population claims to watch
alism. 2 Freedom House classifies the media in Arme- at least one television news program a day. In contrast,
nia as not free and the IREX Media Sustainability Index only 34 percent of the population read a newspaper/news
reports no changes in the low score over the last year.3 magazine at least once a week. The amount of newspa-
The state-run Armenian Public Television and the per readership varies between the big cities and the out-
Armenian Public Radio are two of the few stations that lying areas—44 percent of capital inhabitants claim to
reach a nationwide audience. Many of the private tele- read a newspaper/newsmagazine at least once a week
vision stations are owned by government-friendly busi- versus 26 percent of rural inhabitants who do the same.
ness elites and these broadcasters employ a high degree With the dominating popularity of television, it is
not surprising that television is the main source of infor-
mation about current events in the country for 90 per-
1 Freedom House (December 14, 2010). Freedom House Calls
cent of the population. Neighbors and friends together
on Armenia to Liberalize its Broadcast Media. Retrieved Jan-
uary 17, 2011 from http://www.freedomhouse.org/template. are the second main source of information on current
cfm?page=70&release=1293. events for around half of the population.
2 IREX (2010). Media Sustainability Index 2010 Armenia. However, viewing preferences do not always translate
Retrieved January 3, 2011, from http://www.irex.org/project/
into satisfaction with the quality of the information. In
media-sustainability-index-msi.
particular, those in the capital with access to alternative
3 Freedom House (2010). Freedom of the press. Retrieved Decem-
ber 23, 2010, from http://www.freedomhouse.org/template. sources of information claim that the television chan-
cfm?page=16&year=2010 (see Documentation Section in this nels in Armenia do not present different perspective on
issue). IREX (2010). Media Sustainability Index 2010 Arme-
nia. Retrieved January 3, 2011 from http://www.irex.org/project/
media-sustainability-index-msi. 4 Ibid.
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 3
the news in the country (34 percent in the capital ver- erage to Sargsyan in some 45 percent of its print space
sus 22 percent in rural areas). Focus groups conducted devoted to the elections.8
by CRRC in 2008 with media consumers in Yerevan In the aftermath of the contested elections of 2008,
also showed general dissatisfaction with the way news the government declared a 20-day state of emergency
is presented on local television channels. and imposed tight control on the media. Almost all
“I don’t trust TV because it doesn’t correspond to real- newspapers in Armenia suspended publication during
ity at all. There are cases when you witness something and that time. Most other media outlets followed the stipu-
they report something totally different.” (Female, 18–40, lations of the state of emergency, broadcasting or print-
Armenia)5 ing only official news.
However, a rather large percent of the population While the international community urges the Arme-
falls into the category of passive receivers of informa- nian government to liberalize its media before the 2012
tion who do not have a strong opinion about the qual- parliamentary elections, new processes, such as the
ity of reporting or the accuracy of news on local media switch from analog to digital broadcasting which may
channels. Thus, in response to the question “How well last until 2015, is creating new obstacles preventing new
do you think TV journalists in Armenia inform the pop- broadcasters from entering the market.
ulation about what is actually going on in the country,”
over 60 percent of the respondents took a neutral posi- Traditional Media and Reporting on the
tion or did not know. “Other”
Literature on the topic suggests that media influ- What is the role of media in shaping public opinion
ence is especially strong in the environments where the about the countries that have tense relationships with
number of alternative sources of information is lim- Armenia?
ited.6 The population in Armenia also recognizes the Research shows that reporting both on Azerbaijan
influence of broadcast media on the formation of opin- and Turkey is generally driven by the state’s official posi-
ion; over 40 percent of Armenians either agree or com- tions. Monitoring results of media sources in Armenia
pletely agree that television defines what people think.7 and Azerbaijan document how inaccuracies in articles
How then is media interacting with the political behav- published by the leading newspapers in Armenia and
ior of the population? Azerbaijan “don’t add any new or necessary informa-
tion, but rather [they] set a negative context in the pub-
Traditional Media and Elections lic consciousness, which hinders dialogue and mutual
The presidential election of February 2008 and its imme- understanding.”9 A more recent media monitoring effort
diate aftermath delivered yet another blow to the media of Armenian and Azerbaijani media shows that:10
in Armenia. The favorable coverage of then Prime Min- Still, the journalists very rarely acknowledge their respon-
ister Serzh Sargsyan, when compared to the completely sibility in enhancing existing alienations and, mildly put,
negative coverage of the main opponent, Levon Ter- mutual hostility between the people of the two counties. Or,
petrosyan, played a significant role in increasing the while acknowledging it, they continue supporting and often
level of tensions surrounding the elections. According encouraging politicians, academicians, public figures, provid-
to the OSCE/ODHIR Election Observation Mission ing them with the newspaper space and airtime to increase
report, the state-owned H1 did not treat the candidates the confrontation. They play a significant role in keeping alive
equally despite allocating comparable airtime to their the old stereotypes and stimulating new ones, they distort the
campaigns in its news coverage. Moreover, the majority reality, complicated as it is, thus impeding mutual under-
of coverage on Ter-Petrossian was negative even though standing and the establishment of trust between neighbors,
he was the main opposition candidate and was given the rendering the advancement of peace impossible.
most airtime. Public radio adopted a similar approach
while the state-owned Hayastani Hanrapetutyun news-
8 OSCE/ODHIR Election Observation Mission (May 30, 2008).
paper gave clear preferential and generally positive cov- Republic of Armenia Presidential Elections 19 February, 2008.
Warsaw. Retrieved 23 September, 2008, from http://www.osce.
org/documents/odihr/2008/05/31397_en.pdf.
5 Caucasus Research Resource Centers (2008). Armenian and 9 Yerevan Press Club, Yeni Nesil Journalists Union of Azerbaijan
Azerbaijani International News Coverage—Empirical Findings & Black Sea Press Association (2005). What Can a Word Do?:
and Recommendations for Improvement. Retrieved March 5, Materials of Armenian, Azerbaijani and Georgian Press Anal-
2009, from http://epfound.am/index.php?article_id=260&clang=0. ysis. Retrieved September 20, 2008, from http://www.ypc.am/
6 Mughan, A. eds (2002). Democracy and the Media: A Compar- eng/?go=act/studies.
ative Perspective, New York: Cambridge University Press. 10 “Yeni Nesil” Journalists Union, Yerevan Press Club (2010).
7 Caucasus Research Resource Centers (2009). Caucasus Barom- Armenian-Azerbaijani relations in media of Armenia and
eter. Available from www.crrccenters.org. Azerbaijan.
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 4
Focus groups conducted in Yerevan in 2008 also ing space to alternative voices. Over the last two years
showed the influence of media on the perceptions of par- Armenia saw unprecedented levels of on-line activism.
ticipants about the other side in the conflict.11 While most Facebook groups such as “SAVE Cinema Moscow Open-
of the participants of the focus groups considered media Air Hall” or “Stop changes in maternity leave law” have
in Armenia biased, they tended to trust official news resulted in real-life social activism. Social media has
sources reporting on Azerbaijan or Nagorno Karabakh. also encouraged projects on Armenian and Azerbaijani
“I may trust independent sources, but when we receive collaboration with blogs and online projects that pro-
official information we have to trust it. As a resident of this vide grounds for mutual understanding. In the fall of
state I should trust official information.” (Male, 18–40, 2010 two videos on YouTube, one on the humiliation
Armenia) of soldiers in the Armenian Army13 and a second one
The reporting on Turkey is also generally driven about student abuse at one of Yerevan’s public schools14,
by the government position. A recent media monitor- resulted in official investigations in the Army and the
ing project in Armenia and Turkey revealed that in the school, respectively.
majority of cases media follow an “official” agenda in Non-traditional media is a dynamically changing
covering Armenian–Turkish relations.”12 Most coverage environment and has the potential for bringing change.
focuses on special events targeted at the media, official Currently only 11 percent of Armenians claim to use
visits or public speeches by officials. the internet on a daily basis,15 but expanding access to
the internet could create a serious alternative to tradi-
Prospects and Non-Traditional Media tional media.
With access to the internet growing, social media is com-
ing to fill some of the gaps in the traditional media, giv-
About the Author:
Arpine Porsughyan currently holds a Heinrich Böll Foundation scholarship.
11 Caucasus Research Resource Centers (2008). Armenian and Azerbaijani International News Coverage—Empirical Findings and Recom-
mendations for Improvement. Retrieved March 5, 2009, from http://epfound.am/index.php?article_id=260&clang=0.
12 Eurasia Partnership Foundation, Global Political Trends Center (2010). A Survey on Turkish–Armenian Relations in Armenian and Turk-
ish Media 2006–2009. Retrieved from http://epfound.am/files/media_bias_joint_report_1.pdf.
13 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fOTt2znYS1c&has_verified=1. Retrieved January 10, 2011.
14 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mZQAZOojSv8. Retrieved January 10, 2011.
15 Caucasus Research Resource Centers (2009). Caucasus Barometer. Available from www.crrccenters.org.
Media in Azerbaijan: The Ruling Family Dominates TV, the Opposition
Has Some Papers
By Arifa Kazimova, Baku
Abstract
The family of Azerbaijani President Aliev maintains tight control over the country’s TV stations. Mostly the oppo-
sition is limited to a small number of low-circulation newspapers. The opposition papers have no access to offi-
cial news and frequently resort to publishing unverified information. Only BP and major telecoms are willing to
advertise in the opposition press. The situation with the media reflects overall political conditions in the country.
Strict Controls on Television papers and some web-sites.
In Azerbaijan, the ruling family controls almost all tele- There are nine TV channels—the Azerbaijan Tele-
vision channels. However, the opposition owns a few vision (AzTV), Azad Azerbaycan Television (ATV),
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 5
Ictimai (Public)TV (ITV), Lider TV, Space TV, Kha- TV broadcast the secretly-filmed sex video of an opposi-
zar TV, ANS TV, Idman Azerbaijan and also the newly- tion paper editor as part of its main evening news show.
inaugurated Medeniyyet (Culture) Channel (opened in After the appearance of the video, the editor resigned
February). In addition there are 14 regional TV stations and the newspaper management said it was a provo-
and 13 radio stations. cation against the paper on the eve of the parliamen-
The Azerbaijan State Television and Radio Com- tary elections.
pany (AZTV) became a closed stock company in 2005, The Organization for Security and Cooperation in
initially raising hopes for positive changes, but to no Europe (OSCE) pointed out ahead of the November 7
avail. The decree privatizing AZTV gave 51 percent of parliamentary elections in Azerbaijan that there was a
its shares to the government, and the remaining part clear tendency among local television stations to reflect
was to be sold to citizens. However the decree has not positively on the work and activities of state officials,
been implemented in the six years since it was issued. often pointing out achievements and successes, while
No changes have taken place in AZTV program- avoiding any independent and critical opinions on their
ming as well. Today the station continues to provide performance. “For example, only two TV channels, the
extensive coverage of the activities of the ruling fam- public broadcaster ITV and privately-owned ANS TV,
ily and government officials. These reports usually are provided some news coverage in connection with the
devoted to President Ilham Aliyev’s ceremonial activ- press conference of the APFP–Musavat bloc on 12 Octo-
ities, where he is shown cutting ribbons in a variety of ber, during which opposition leaders talked about prob-
state facilities and meeting with visiting officials. lems with the registration of their candidate,” the OSCE
These segments are followed by stories depicting Observation Mission stated.
the public appearances of first lady Mehriban Aliyeva, Despite the institutional structure, problems tend
who is also president of the Heydar Aliyev Foundation. to be resolved informally. For example, the National
Subsequently viewers see news reports about Ramiz Television and Radio Council (NTRC) was founded
Mehdiyev, the head of the Presidential Administration, in 2002 to implement state policy regarding television
and various ministers inaugurating new roads, schools, and radio broadcasting and to regulate this activity. The
parks, theatres, and other public works. The interna- main duties of the Council also include protecting the
tional news broadcast on AZTV and other local TV sta- electronic media’s independence and public interests
tions mainly focuses on the aftermath of natural disas- in broadcasting. The nine-member Council is funded
ters—storms, floods, and tornados—in the USA, Brazil through the state budget. But when Lider TV began
or China. These pieces serve to create the impression of broadcasting adult videos in prime-time, NTRC Chief
turmoil in foreign countries, but stability and prosper- Nushirevan Maharramli told US-funded RFE/RL that
ity in Azerbaijan. the Council did not issue any warning to Lider TV, but
had instead talked to the TV leadership and the prob-
Public and Private TV Stations lem had been resolved in this way.
The situation is similar on Azerbaijan’s other stations. The state maintains firm control of TV and radio
Funded by the state budget, Public TV (ITV) makes efforts frequencies and only issues them to pre-approved com-
to limit its news coverage of state officials, but they still panies. Currently, 80 percent of TV and radio frequen-
receive much more attention than any other political or cies are not in use. Unfortunately, the NTRC does not
social figures. Even though ANS boasts that it is an objec- disclose the list of frequencies used, even though the
tive, balanced and impartial broadcaster, viewers never law requires that it do so on a monthly basis. The Media
see any criticism of the family of President Aliev on this Rights Institute reported in October 2010 that frequen-
channel even though its founders have no direct links to cies are allocated to companies affiliated to the govern-
the governing family. Despite the fact that it is privately ment. According to the report, claiming a frequency
owned, ANS TV also dedicates the bulk of its news cover- without first obtaining the government’s consent could
age to the authorities and the ruling party; though it does yield economic and political problems for the claimant.
give a small part of its program time to opposition figures. The NTRC clearly works in the interests of the
The founders of the other TV channels are in some leadership. It recently allotted 103.3 FM, which for-
way related to the ruling family. The president’s sister merly belonged to the BBC, to a new radio station
Sevil Aliyeva is among the founders of Space TV. Like- called Araz Radio established by an unknown com-
wise, the founder of Lider TV is said to be a close rela- pany called “Golden Prince.” Other companies that
tive of President Aliyev. sought the frequency questioned the transparency of
These privately- owned companies sometimes violate the process and identity of the company that won the
basic rules of journalistic ethics. In October 2010, Lider right to the frequency.
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 6
Calls for Change on Television salaries of teachers at schools and universities as well as
Ramiz Mehdiyev, head of the Presidential Adminis- employees at ministries and other budget organizations.
tration, criticized local television in 2009. In a promi- However, these papers are rarely seen in the hands of
nent article entitled “Problems and duties on Azerbai- readers in metro stations, buses or parks. Despite the
jan’s Airwaves,” he called on them to undertake reforms obligatory individual deductions, copies of the govern-
and emphasize analytical and educational programs ment papers are also distributed to the libraries of these
over entertainment. Mehdiyev stressed that TV and organizations.
radio stations should play a significant role in protect- Opposition papers are mostly read by ordinary peo-
ing national-moral values, propagating greater use of ple even though not all of them can afford to buy papers
the Azerbaijani language, and promoting the country’s which cost 30–40 kopecks (half a dollar) on a daily basis.
culture and historical heritage. The opposition papers mainly cover topics critical
After this article appeared, there were similar appeals of the authorities, including corruption claims related
to local TV shows by other government officials. But no to specific officials. Frequently, they report uncon-
one called on television to offer balance and objectiv- firmed information or information received from just
ity in news and analytical programs, or supported the one source. When asked about the credibility of their
idea of freedom of expression. As a result of this arti- sources, these papers refer to the fact that the authorities
cle, some educational programs were created for middle rarely refute the information they publish. However a
school students. Simultaneously, a new wave of wedding number of lawsuits have also been brought against these
programs appeared on almost all local stations. The pro- papers on charges of defamation, which is still a crim-
grams sought to broker marriages for those who could inal offense even though local and international media
not find a suitable mate or afford the wedding expenses. advocates have called for less harsh penalties.
According to TV rating surveys conducted by the The latest lawsuit against the Yeni Musavat and Aza-
Baku-based AGB company, ANS TV is the most pop- dliq papers was brought by Anar Mammadov, son of
ular TV channel with 27 percent of the audience, fol- Transport Minister Ziya Mammadov, who is a major
lowed by Khazar TV—13 percent, ATV—12 percent, oligarch. The papers had claimed that Anar Mammadov
Lider TV—11 percent, Space—6 percent, and ITV—5 ordered one of Qabala’s restaurants to kill a caged bear
percent. AZTV was not included in the survey. The per- and prepare shish kabobs out of its meat. According to
cents indicate the portion of the 1,300 surveyed view- the papers, Anar Mammadov paid one million manats
ers watching a particular channel, i.e, 27 percent of the for that bear. Now the lawsuit is in court and Mam-
1,300 were watching ANS, 5 percent of 1, 300 tuned madov demands compensation of half a million manats.
into ITV, etc. There have been many cases when government offi-
Similar entertainment programs exist on local FM cials or ministers have stated that they “do not read the
radio where there is also little political analysis. The libels carried in the opposition papers or foreign media
radios mainly broadcast music programs and offer lit- outlets like RFE/RL.” But in a number of cases, they
tle news or commentary to influence ordinary Azer- have given commentaries on what these media outlets
baijanis’ socio-political views. There are a handful of have published. For instance, Ali Ahmadov, executive
websites (www.azadliqradiosu.az, www.mediaforum.az, www.turan. secretary of the ruling Yeni Azerbaijan Party, stated in
az) which report honestly on current developments in 2010, on the parliamentary election day that RFE/RL
the country and the world. was carrying slanderous information about the Azerbai-
jani state and does not publish the commentaries sent by
Newspapers’ Access to Information government supporters. “They publish only what their
Yeni Musavat, Azadliq, Demokrat, and Bizim Yol are the own supporters write,” he said.
only opposition papers published in Baku in Azerbai- One of the reasons that the papers publish uncon-
jani amongst 30 dailies and over 100 weeklies. Some of firmed news is the barriers blocking their access to gov-
the opposition papers are published only once or twice ernmental sources. The Law on Obtaining Informa-
a month. tion was adopted in 2005 which specified a maximum
The circulations for local papers are tiny, accord- of seven days for organizations to answer any inqui-
ing to their own figures. They range from 5,000 for the ries. But in most cases, the inquiries sent to them are
Russian-language opposition paper Zerkalo to 10,650 delayed for weeks.
for Yeni Musavat. Subscribing to government-sponsored A local NGO, the Social Union for Assistance to
papers like Azerbaijan, Yeni Azerbaijan, Respublika, Xalq the Free Economy, along with several other organiza-
qezeti is obligatory for all organizations sponsored by the tions, sued two ministries—the Education Ministry
state budget; subscription fees are deducted from the and the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection—for
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 7
not responding to the NGO’s inquiry, which focused lems. Mehman Aliyev, director of the Turan Information
on the amount of money spent reconstructing minis- agency, says the independence of the press depends on
try buildings. The Supreme Court upheld both inquires. that of the whole economy. “Publishing a paper is not a
business in Azerbaijan, it’s a tool to realize one’s political
What is the Way Out? will. Nothing has changed during the recent five years
Ads of major companies are mostly seen in official and because the basics of the economics have not changed.
some of the so-called neutral papers, but they rarely The monopoly has strengthened in all spheres, there
appear in opposition papers like Azadliq, Musavat, is no competitiveness. Azerbaijan’s economy remains
Bizim yol, or Demokrat. Only some oil companies like closed,” he said.
BP, and major mobile providers advertise in these news- The situation with the media reflects the broader
papers, the volume of the ads amounting to a few hun- problems facing Azerbaijan. The country’s ranking on
dred dollars a month. Transparency International’s Corruption Perception
This ad blockade against opposition papers is seen as Index remains very poor in recent years. Currently, it
the major obstacle to economic development and con- ranks 134 amongst 178 countries. The ratings for free-
sequently to the independence of the local media. The dom of expression and other basic rights remain grave as
press is not economically independent because of this well. Azerbaijan falls into the Not Free category accord-
situation. The volume of the advertising market in coun- ing to Freedom House’s 2010 report. Another major
tries like Estonia or Latvia is some 50 million dollars in international human rights advocate, Human Rights
comparison to 2–3 million dollars in Azerbaijan, even Watch, in its 2010 report noted that the situation for
though the latter is an oil and gas producing country. basic human rights is geting worse (see also the Doc-
According to many media experts, offering cred- umentation Section in this issue of the Caucasus Ana-
its to newspapers is not the way to solve their prob- lytical Digest).
About the Author:
Arifa Kazimova is an editor in RFE/RL’s Baku bureau.
Georgia: Immature Media
By Nino Robakidze, Tbilisi
Abstract
Georgia’s media faces numerous problems, including a difficult post-Soviet legacy, frequent interventions
from the state, poor legislation, unclear ownership, and difficult access to public information and broadcast
licenses. Most independent media cannot operate as businesses because they have problems attracting com-
panies willing to risk government pressure to advertise on their stations. The result is that Georgia has only
a semi-free media environment.
A Difficult Legacy ism. This book was older than all of us and recalled a
Why has the Georgian media been unable to play the time when The Young Communist and Komsomolstaya
role expected of it? This is a question repeatedly asked Pravda published Lenin’s speeches, protocols of Com-
throughout Georgian society during the last twenty munist Party Congresses, and annual reports for the
years. Since the Rose Revolution, the subject has not five-year plans of Soviet collective farms.
lost its significance even for a while. Even though our faculty owned a professional video
As late as 2003, when I was a student at the Tbilisi camera and students knew about it, none of them had
State University Faculty of Journalism, future journalists seen it personally; the camera was carefully stored out
who sought to improve their professional skills and writ- of reach because the professors feared it would be bro-
ing abilities were diligently browsing the recommended ken by untrained hands. For many years, our depart-
manual entitled Theory and Practice of Soviet Journal- ment was managed by a Communist Party bureaucrat
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 8
who was the former head of the Georgian TV and Radio During this period, the pressure on the media was
broadcasting company, which served as the main source particularly visible in the regions of Georgia, where rep-
of Soviet party propaganda. That was still a time when resentatives of local governments physically assaulted
Communist party activists played a prominent role. In and personally threatened independent journalists.
2003, for the second time after 1989, Georgians again A January 2005 report prepared by the Parliamentary
sought to leave behind the Communist legacy and the Assembly of the Council of Europe noted that “Facts
stagnation in public life that it created. of intimidation and physical assaults increased, in some
cases with the participation of high-ranking govern-
Short-Lived Changes and Then Another ment officials.”
Crackdown “Journalists are threatened—because of their newspa-
Since 2003 at first sight it seems that everything has per articles or TV programs, they are physically threat-
changed—even the Journalism Faculty of Tbilisi State ened, bombs are exploding in their houses,” according
University has appointed a young and energetic jour- to the letter Georgian journalists and non-governmen-
nalist as dean. The media sphere and more specifically tal organizations sent to the President’s administration
Rustavi 2 became key actors in promoting incremental on February 3, 2006.
changes. Unfortunately, the “Rose Revolution” pro- Two years after the Rose Revolution, the Georgian
vided only a short time for future journalists to return media continued to exist within tight constraints: some
to the ideals of their profession. Everybody believed, journalists were prohibited from attending the presi-
but only for a while, that journalism should be serv- dent’s briefings and public events, and meetings orga-
ing truth and provide objective information to citi- nized by governors, ministers and other public figures.
zens. During that time, it seemed that “Soviet The- But at the same time, other media outlets always had
ory and Practice” had been consigned to history once access to exclusive information from inside governmen-
and for all. tal circles. Members of the ruling party never rejected
Indeed, after the revolution, changes in the Georgian the invitations of these media organizations to partici-
media sphere developed in a speedy manner. Already in pate in their programs. At the same time, they consis-
February 2004, one month after the inauguration of tently refused to participate in the political debates orga-
President Mikheil Saakashvili, popular TV programs nized by other media sources.
were shut one after another—“Night Courier” by Eka “If prior to the Revolution I was well aware of the
Khoperia, “Night View” by Inga Grigolia, and the pro- important issues that would interest the audience, after-
gram staring Natia Zambakhidze. During 2004–2005, wards it appeared that I did not know anything,” remem-
TV channels, such as “9th Channel,” “Iberia,” “202,” bers the Journalist Nestan Tsetskhladze, who served as a
and “Ajara TV” also stopped broadcasting. In the next special correspondent of the Rustavi 2 TV Company to
year, two more popular programs were cancelled: the the Adjara Autonomous Region while it was controlled
political talk-show “On the Eve of Election” by Irakli by Aslan Abashidze’s authoritarian regime. “It is natu-
Imnaishvili, and “Free Topic” by Eka Khoperia, who left ral that the renovation of the boulevard in Batumi was
the program during a live broadcast. Later, both jour- interesting for the media, but for me problematic issues
nalists explained their choices, claiming that they came had a priority. Until this day I hear accusations that the
under pressure from high government officials who were media is covering only bad news. Yes, I am a journal-
meddling in their activities. ist who considers that reacting to problems is the main
Likewise, Georgian print media could not avoid sim- responsibility of the media. I did not have a chance to
ilar problems. In parallel with the popular TV chan- work on these issues and felt that I was transformed into
nels and programs, several high circulation newspapers a journalist who is just holding a microphone.” Today,
and magazines have disappeared, including Morning Tsetskhladze is the main editor of Netgazeti, one of the
Newspaper, The Main Newspaper, The New Epoch and most popular internet publications in Georgia. She, like
Omega. Representatives of the press encountered seri- many of her colleagues who refused to simply transmit
ous problems emanating from court decisions, press official statements, chose to work in the independent
offices of various ministries and the security police. For media. But unlike in the previous times, her current
instance, the Ministry of Defense forbade a popular work is known to a much smaller audience.
military expert and journalist, Koba Liklikadze, from
attending briefings at the Ministry. Other representa- Unclear Ownership
tives of the media encountered problems while attend- Georgia’s media legislation seems surprisingly liberal.
ing the briefings of Minister of Internal Affairs Vano However, media company owners agree that it creates
Merabishvili. possibilities for the government to implement indi-
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 9
rect, but obvious pressure on journalists and media shares. Hence, at the end of the day, “the Industrial
organizations. Group” controls two thirds of the entire market.
For many years, journalists and media organizations These developments in the media sphere after the
have discussed the necessity of media ownership trans- Rose Revolution naturally created a situation in which
parency. If in countries with a free media it is the tra- the national broadcasters Rustavi 2 and Imedi, by dif-
ditional obligation of media organizations to publicly ferent means, became weapons for governmental propa-
announce their owners, Georgian reality is completely ganda. Though, for the sake of justice, one also has to
different. Georgian citizens do not know who delivers note that none of the existing alternative media sources
news to them via television, who publishes the newspa- managed to offer balanced and objective information
per they read each morning, or, in general, who owns to society.
Georgian media. The growing concern among media and non-gov-
It is particularly difficult to understand who owns ernmental organizations about the suspicious secrecy
the two largest national broadcasting companies and surrounding the ownership of the national broadcast-
several other TV channels in Georgia. After the Rose ing company culminated when legislators introduced
Revolution, Rustavi 2 was sold numerous times, with two bills concerning media ownership to Georgia’s par-
the most recent transaction taking place in June. Today liament—one was authored by the head of the parlia-
70 percent of its shares belong to the offshore company ment’s Legal Committee Pavle Kublashvili, a member
Degson Limited, which is registered on the British Vir- of the majority party. The second was the initiative of a
gin Islands. It is almost impossible for an ordinary citi- group of journalists and lawyers, who worked out the
zen to have access to even this kind of information since draft with financial support from the “Open Society—
none of the media outlets post it on their websites. Media Georgia Foundation”.
ownership is in almost all cases secret. On the basis of these texts, the Legal Commit-
Notwithstanding the fact that the media have been tee, with Speaker Davit Bakradze’s support, developed
reporting on the sale of Imedi TV, today nobody has a draft law that sought to amend Georgia’s existing
much information about the person who stands behind Broadcast Law. “The aim of adopting the draft law is
the 90 percent share holder of the organization—Rakeen to increase transparency in the media sphere by impos-
Georgian Holding. Confusion deepened when the offi- ing some restrictions on license ownership,” according
cial representative of the Arab investment fund Rakia to the explanatory letter accompanying the bill. In the
rejected the assertion that either Rakia or its affiliated future, those additional restrictions will prohibit indi-
companies owned shares of Imedi. viduals and entities registered in offshore zones from
The goals of the owner of Sakartvelo (Georgia) TV owning media outlets and shares in them. At the same
company is similarly vague. Officially the company is time, the law will oblige them to ensure transparency
owned by the Denal Union, which is also registered in and permanently update the publicly available informa-
an offshore zone. According to the Georgian law on state tion about their beneficiary owners and key managers.
purchases, Sakartvelo officially cooperates with the Min-
istry of Defense and most broadcast time is filled with Public Information and Broadcast Licenses
military programs prepared by the Ministry. As Giorgi Chkheidze, an independent expert explains,
Even though Georgian legislation prevents an indi- transparency of media ownership in the Georgian
vidual or legal entity from owning more than one license media sphere is the principal and most important issue,
for a television or radio station, it does not oblige the although it is not the only problem with the existing
media companies to publicize the actual identity of share legislation. For that reason the problem needs to be
holders or partners. This flaw in the legislation makes addressed in a comprehensive manner: beyond clarify-
it physically possible that a real owner of the firm regis- ing ownership it is necessary to 1. Simplify the public’s
tered in an offshore zone has numerous licenses at his/ ability to access information 2. and resolve a number
her disposal. of issues surrounding broadcast licensing.
Georgian legislation also does not regulate what According to the results of a study conducted by
share of the media holding company might be con- the Caucasian Research Resource Center and financed
trolled by one individual or legal entity. For example, by the European Union, Georgian media frequently
according to research by Transparency International— encounter problems when trying to access public infor-
Georgia, the “Industrial Group of Georgia” owns 30 per- mation. Unfortunately, without access to official sources,
cent of Rustavi-2 shares, 45 percent of Mze and 65 per- journalism often has difficulty rising above simple “for-
cent of Pirveli Stereo. Its affiliated company Georgian tune-telling.” The fact that problems related to access-
Media Incorporated, on the other hand, owns Imedi ing public information are serious is also proved by the
CAUCASUS ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 25, 18 March 2011 10
recently created Georgian web pages such as givemei- news. However, Alania, even with the same license, was
nfo.ge and opendata.ge. allowed to broadcast such reports. Unlike Maestro Ala-
The non-governmental organization Institute for nia was openly loyal to the government and, together
Development of Freedom of Information is implement- with Rustavi 2 and Imedi, actively involved in spread-
ing the project opendata.ge in order to ensure more ing pro-government propaganda.
information transparency. As the organization’s report Media law experts and NGO representatives fre-
points out, only 10 percent of the questions sent to state quently criticize the fact that the broadcast regulatory
institutions—ministries, the presidential administration commission uses the mechanisms and leverage avail-
and City Hall—received more or less relevant answers. able to it for political purposes. As such observers make
The organization has filed several cases against the pub- clear, imposing license restrictions on cable TV stations
lic institutions for their failure to implement the law. is absurd because these channels do not use the limited
Such active participation by the non-governmental sec- broadcast frequencies controlled by the state.
tor definitely increases information accessibility. But the Along with its tendency to exceed its rights, the reg-
problem is that for journalists, the information domain ulatory commission’s constitution and staff are also fre-
remains restricted. According to research by Transpar- quently criticized. The previous chairman was Giorgi
ency International, the Georgian state only satisfies 10 Arveladze, who was a member of the president’s inner
percent of public information requests, while the courts circle, minister in various periods, head of the presiden-
respond appropriately to only 2 percent. tial apparatus, and the current director of Imedi TV. The
Media experts explain that making public informa- current head of the commission is Irakli Chikovani—
tion secret is one of the indirect mechanisms for exert- the former director of Rustavi 2. Even though Chikovani
ing pressure on independent journalists—without offi- officially claims to have sold his share of Rustavi 2 several
cial data it is difficult to prepare investigative or feature weeks before being appointed as head of the commission,
articles. For this reason, journalists are often unable to no one has been able to confirm the actual transaction.
successfully fulfill their obligations to write objective Notwithstanding the fact that Georgian law gives
analyses for reasons beyond their control. the parliamentary opposition the right to its own rep-
President Saakashvili has addressed this issue in pub- resentative on the regulatory commission, this mem-
lic, but it is not clear what kind of action he has taken ber still reflects the interests of the governing majority.
to remedy the problem. In response to a question posed This outcome is mainly determined by the electoral rules
by a journalist, he said “I agree with you concerning the according to which the president maintains the decisive
transparency of public information—this is a problem. voice in the process.
Actually, Zurab Adeishvili and I were the authors of Even though the authority of the regulatory com-
this code. I think that you should have this right and mission only covers the broadcast media, there are prob-
this is your leverage, which you should use, I will try lems concerning the licensing, ownership and financial
by all means to correct the situation. Actually, in recent transparency with print and online media as well.
days I gave an order concerning this.” Saakashvili made Together with the problem of public information
this statement on 25 January through Kavkasiuri tele- accessibility, the independent press and online media
vision.. However, despite journalists’ interest in hav- outlets are facing a serious financial crisis. Media organi-
ing the president’s help, it is still not known whether zations trying to provide the public with balanced news
he actually issued an order and to whom. Public infor- are often less attractive for advertisers, who generally steer
mation access still remains the most important prob- clear of advertising in the kind of online or print pub-
lems for journalists. lications that publish investigative articles or offer read-
On the same day, during the live program the pres- ers critical analysis of governmental reforms. The journal
ident was again asked about simplifying the licensing Liberali, with its print and web edition, is an example of
process for broadcasts, but he left the question unan- such a publication, as is the online Netgazeti. The main
swered. For media freedom, experts explain that the sources of income for both media outlets are the grants
issue is no less important than ownership or informa- provided by international non-governmental organiza-
tion accessibility. tions for the development of professional and indepen-
According to the 2009 IREX Media Sustainabil- dent media. Unfortunately, the income provided by such
ity Index, the broadcast licensing issue is obviously grants is so meager that it is not worth highlighting.
politicized. A prominent example of this problem was
the two-year long dispute surrounding the TV Com- Media as a Business
pany Maestro’s efforts to obtain a licence. As a special- Avoiding political influence and maintaining financial
ized license holder, Maestro had no right to broadcast independence remains one of the key challenges for the