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Naturalizing Epistemology - Second Edition (Bradford Books) PDF

469 Pages·1994·64.19 MB·English
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© 1994MassachusettsInstituteofTechnology Allrightsreserved. Nopartofthisbookmaybereproducedinanyformbyany electronicormechanicalmeans(includingphotocopying,recording, orinformation storageandretrieval)withoutpermissioninwritingfromthepublisher. ThisbookwassetinPalatinobyTheMaple-VailBookManufacturingGroupandwas printedandboundintheUnitedStatesofAmerica. LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-PublicationData Naturalizingepistemology/editedbyHilaryKornblith.- 2nded. p. em. "ABradfordbook." Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex. ISBN0-262-11180-2.- ISBN0-262-61090-6(pbk.) 1. Knowledge, Theoryof. I. Kornblith, Hilary. BD161.N29 1993 121-dc20 93-23976 CIP Introduction: What Is Naturalistic Epistemology? Hilary Kornblith In recent years the naturalistic approach to epistemology has been gaining currency. The goal of this introduction is to answer my title questionandatthesametime toplacetheessaysthatfollowinappro priate perspective. Three Questions Consider the following three questions. 1. How oughtwe to arrive atourbeliefs? 2. How do we arrive atour beliefs? 3. Are the processes by which we do arrive atourbeliefs the ones by which we ought to arriveatour beliefs? Different theorists will answer these questions differently. The topic I wish to deal with here has to do with the relations among these three questions. If we wish to answer all of these questions, which should we deal with first? Can any of these questions be answered independentlyofthe others, orwill theanswers to eachconstrainthe range ofanswers we mightgive to those remaining? Justas different theorists disagree about answers to questions 1, 2, and 3, there are disagreements about the relations among these questions. What I want to suggest here is that what is distinctive about the naturalistic approach to epistemologyis its view about the relations among these three questions. The Traditional View Oneview, whichIwilllabel the traditionalview, suggestsa strategyof divide and conquer. Question 1 is to be assigned to philosophers, ..".... "~..,r'W'I-:> Pstd'l~L.cSjSi·S Hilary Kornblith 2 'Q~ question 2 to psychologists. Each of these groups is to conduct its research independently of the other. When both groups have com pleted their work, they must get together to answer question 3. It is permissible, of course, for philosophers and psychologists to meet prior to each group's completion ofits assigned task. Such meetings will allow them to check progress onquestion3. These meetings will not, however, have anyeffectonworkon questions 1or 2. Question 1 is in the bailiwick of philosophers; question 2 in the bailiwick of psychologists; and the answer to question 3 is produced by compar ing the answers to questions 1and 2. Most research in philosophy as well as psychology seems to be guided by the traditional view. On the philosophical side consider onekind ofanswer thathas beenoffered toquestion1: the coherence theory ofjustification@oherence theorists hold, roughly, that in de ciding whether to accept or reject any statement, one ought to con sider how well it fits in with or coheres with one's otherbeliefs; one ought to adopt beliefs cohering with beliefs one already haiJWhat ever the merits of this view, it seems to have nothing to do with any possible answer to question 26uppose that psychologists were to discover that people actually arrive at their beliefs by some kind of nonconscious mechanism that measures the coherence of candidate beliefs with the body of beliefs already held; candidates that cohere are adopted and those that do not are rejected. What bearing would this psychological theory have on the merits of the coherence theory of justification as an answer to question I? None, it seems. How we actually arrive at our beliefs need have nothing to do with how we ought to arrive at them. By the same token if we are evaluating the merits of some psychological account of belief acquisition, a pur ported account ofhow people actually arrive at their beliefs in some situation, theories about how we ought to arrive at our beliefs seem tobeirrelevant. An analogy with ethics seems apt here. Consider the following three questions abouthumanaction: A. How ought people to act? B. How do peopleact? C. Do people act the way they ought? These questions bear the samerelations to each otheras questions I, 2, and 3. Moreoverit seems clear that it is the job ofethical theorists What Is Naturalistic Epistemology? 3 to answerquestionAandpsychologistsconcernedwithhumanmoti vation to answer question B. Only by comparing the results ofthese two independent investigations will the answer to C emerge. Note how absurd it would be for a philosopherto objectto a psychological account of how people act on the grounds that action of that sort is immoral. It would be equally absurd ifa psychologist were to object toa philosophicalaccountofhowweoughttoactonthe groundsthat people do not act that way. There is a straightforward explanation of the absurdity of these challenges. The normative questions that philosophersaskarecompletelyindependentofthe descriptive ques tions psychologists ask. This seems to be true not only in the case of questions A and Bbutalso in the case ofquestions 1and 2. Idonotmean toendorsetheargumentsofthissectionforthe tradi tional view, nor do I mean to suggest that no other arguments for it are available. Instead I hope only to have presented enough of the traditional view and its motivation so that it may clearly be distin guished from a naturalistic approach to questions 1, 2, and 3. The Replacement Thesis I take the naturalistic approach to epistemology to consist in this: question 1 cannot be answered independently of question 2. Ques tions about how we actually arrive at our beliefs are thus relevant to questions about how we ought to arrive at our beliefs. Descriptive questions about belief acquisition have an importantbearing on nor mative questions aboutbeliefacquisition. There are, of course, different camps within the naturalistic ap proach; naturalistic epistemologists differ on how direct a bearing psychology has on epistemology. The most radical view here is due to Quine: Epistemology still goes on, though in a new setting and a clarified status. Epistemology, or something like it, simply falls into place as a chapter of psychology and hence of natural science. Itstudies a natural phenomenon, viz., a physicalhumansubject. This human subjectis accorded a certainex perimentallycontrolledinput--certainpatterns ofirradiationinassortedfre quencies, for instance-and in the fullness of time the subject delivers as outputa descriptionofthe three dimensionalexternalworld and its history. Therelation betweenthe meagerinputand the torrentialoutputisarelation that we are prompted to study for somewhat the same reasons thatalways promptedepistemology;namely, inordertoseehowevidencerelates tothe ory, and in what ways one's theory of nature transcends any available evi- dence.I (:+." --" Hilary Kornblith 4 I will speak of the view that epistemological guestions may be re placed by psychological questions as the replacement thesis. Quine'sargumentforthereplacementthesisinchapter1isthis: the , history of epistemology is largely the history of the foundationalist Co program. Foundationalists tried to show that there is a class of be- liefs-typicallybeliefs aooutourownsenseexperience-aboutwhich .,. it is impossible to be wrong. These beliefs were held to be sufficient ",' to justify the rest ofour beliefs; thus, in addition to identifying those beliefs thatwould serveas the foundation ofknowledge, foundation- alists sought to show how foundational beliefs provide us with good reason for adopting the remainder ofourbeliefs. The history ofepis temology shows that the foundationalist program has faced one fail ure after another. The lesson to be learned from these failures, according to Quine, is not just that foundationalists had mistakenly answered question 1in claiming that theappropriate way to arriveat one'sbeliefsis tobeginwithbeliefsaboutwhichonecannotbewrong and build upon that foundation. Rather, according to Quine! founda tionali~t>were asking the wrong guestions. Once we see the sterility of the foundationalist program, we see that the only genuine ques tions thereare to askabout the relation betweentheoryandevidence andabout theacquisitionofbeliefare psychologicalquestions. In this view question 2is relevant to question 1because it holds all the con tent that is left in question 1. The relation between these two ques tions is much like the relation atheists believe to hold between questions about God's actofcreation and questions about the details of, for example, thebigbang; the latterquestions exhaustall the con tent there is in the former questions. One illustration of the way in which traditional epistemological questions have become transformed through our newly gained un derstanding forms the heart of chapter 3. Philosophers have long asked, how is knowledge possible? This question has been under stood for centuries as a requestfor a responJie to t skeptic, and the result has been the various attempts to work out the details of the foundationalist program. What we are now in a position to under standis preciselyhowfoundationalists misinterpretedthis important question. If the question about the possibility of knowledge is inter pretedasa request torespond to the skepticonhisorherownterms, thenanyattempt to answer the question is doomed to failure. Quine argues, however, that this interpretation mislocates the very worries that gave rise to the question in the first place. It is through the rise What Is Naturalistic Epistemology? 5 of science that we were first led to question the limits and possibility ofknowledge. As science made clear the falsity ofour former beliefs and our susceptibility to illusion, the question naturally arose as to whether the beliefs we arrive at, even under the best of conditions, are likely tobe true. In shortthe question aroseas to whetherknowl edge is possible. Insofar as this question arises from within science, we maycallonthe resources ofscience toanswerit. Farfrom making epistemology a necessary prerequisite to doing science, this makes ,epistemology continuouswith t 'ficenter e. Fortunately, when we turn to science to answer our question, we are notdisappointed. As Quine suggests, "Thereis some encourage mentin Darwin." Creatures whose beliefgeneratingmechanisms do notafford themcognitive contactwiththe world "havea patheticbut praiseworthy tendency to die before reproducing their kind." Since believing truths has survival value, the survival of the fittest guaran tees thatourinnateintellectualendowmentgives us a predisposition forbelievingtruths. Knowledge is thus notonly possiblebuta neces sary by-productofnatural selection. This Darwinian argument may be thought to provide a motivation for the replacement thesis quite different from that offered by Quine in chapter 1. Ifthe Darwinian argument can be worked outin detail, itmayprovidea wayoftacklingthe originalthreequestionsbytaking on question 3 first. If nature has so constructed us that our belief generating processes are inevitably biased in favor of true beliefs, then it must be that the processes by which we arrive at beliefs just are those by which we ought to arrive at them. Question 3 is thus answered with an emphatic affirmative, and we may move on to the remaining two questions. Ifwe know in advance, however, that we arriveatbeliefsin justthe way we ought, oneway to approachques tion 1 is just ~ s chology. In discovering the processes by which we actuall arrive at beliefs, we are thereby discovering the processesbywhich we oughtto arriveatbeliefs. The epistemological enterprise maybe replaced byempiricalpsychology. Notice thatthe attempt to defend the replacement thesisbywayof the Darwinian argument requires that the conclusion of that argu mentbe givena very strongreading. Someonewhoconcludesonthe basis of natural selection that the processes by which we acquire be liefs must be roughly like the processes by which we ought will not be in a position to defend the replacement thesis. If psychological investigationis to be able to replace epistemologicaltheorizing, there Hilary Kornblith must be a perfect match between the processes by which we do and those by which we ought to acquire beliefs. Without such a perfect match, the results of psychological theorizing will only give an ap proximate answer to question I, and epistemology will be called on to make up the slack. Psychologywould thus be strongly relevant to epistemology, and this version of the Darwinian argument would thus motivatea versionofnaturalisticepistemology, butthe resulting viewwouldbe far weaker than the replacementthesis.2 Still a third argument for the replacement thesis is to be found in such writers as Davidson,3 Dennett,4 Harman,5 and, once again, Quine.6In Harman's version, the argumentis as follows: We normally assume that there are basic principles ofrationality that apply to all normal human beings.... We come to understand someone else by coming to appreciate thatperson's reasons for his orherbeliefsandactions, orby seeing how that person made a mistake. Someone who reasoned in a fundamentally different way from the wayinwhichwe reason would really and truly be unintelligible to us.... In assuming, as we normally do, that wecanmakesenseofotherpeople, givensufficientinformationaboutthem, wepresupposethateveryoneelseoperatesinaccordancewiththesamebasic principlesas wedo.7 As Harman makes clear, he does not mean to bearguing onlyfor the conclusionthatwe all arrive atourbeliefsin the same waybutrather thatrationalbeliefacquisitionconsistsofarrivingatbeliefsintheway we all do. In Harman's view since individuals who reason in a way different than we do would be unintelligible to us, we would not count them as rational; the only rational individuals are thus ones whoreasonaswe do. Onceagainthisallowsus toapproachtheorigi nalthreequestionsbyansweringquestion3first, and inansweringit in the affirmative, the wayis pavedfor the replacementofepistemol ogy by psychology. It should also be noted that the conclusion of Harman's argument must be interpreted in quite a strong way ifit is to serve as an argument for the replacement thesis. When Harman argues that someone who reasons in a fundamentally different way wouldbeunintelligibletous, hecannotsimplymeanthatlargediffer ences in the way individuals reason would result in mutual uninter pretability, for this viewis compatiblewith the claimthatindividuals differ from one another in minor respects in the way they reason. Psychologycouldthendescribe the differentwaysinwhichindividu als reason but it would be impotent to pick out which of these ways (ifany) were rational. Harman mustthereforebe arguing for the con- What Is Naturalistic Epistemology? 7 clusionthatanydifferencewhatsoeverinthewaysindividualsreason would result in mutual uninterpretability. Weaker conclusions than this will not supportthe replacement thesis. We are now in a position to distinguish between a strong and a weak version of the replacement thesis. The strong version of the replacement thesis is argued for by Quine in chapter1. Quine argue not only that epistemological questions may be replaced by psycho logical questions but also that this replacement must take place; psy chological questions hold all the content there is in epistemological questions. On this view psychology replaces epistemology in much the same way that chemistry has replaced alchemy. The other two arguments examined for the replacement thesis, however-the Dar winian argument and the argument from mutual interpretability suggest a weak version of the replacement thesis. In this view psy chologyand epistemologyprovide two differentavenues for arriving at the same place. Psychologymay replace epistemologybecause the processes psychologistsidentify as the ones bywhich we do arriveat ourbeliefswillinevitablyturnouttobethe very processesepistemol ogists would identify as the ones by which we ought to arrive at our beliefs. Thus even if all epistemologists were to give up their trade and turntoauto mechanics, thequestions theytried toanswerwould neverthelessbeaddressed, inadifferentguise, bypsychologists. This view is carefully scrutinized in chapter 15 by Stephen Stich, "Could Man Be an IrrationalAnimal?" The Autonomy of Epistemology There is a world of difference between the strong and the weak ver sion ofthe replacement thesislfhe questionat issueis theautonomy of epistemologi]Are there legitimate epistemological questions that are distinct in content from the questions of descriptive psychology? Advocatesofthe strongversionofthereplacement thesisanswerthis question in the negative, advocates ofthe weak version answer it in the affirmative. The consequences of the strong version of the re placement thesis for the study of epistemology are clear: epistemol ogy must go the way of alchemy and be absorbed into another science. In this section I examine some of the consequences of the weak replacement thesis for epistemological theorizing. Ifepistemol ogy is an autonomous discipline but subject nevertheless to the con straints ofthe weak replacement thesis, what will epistemology look Hilary Kornblith 8 like? What kind ofrelationship does this dictate between psychology andepistemology? If the weak replacement thesis is true, epistemologists need not fear that theywill bereplaced bydescriptive psychologists. The weak replacement thesis is a two-way street. If psychologists and episte mologists inevitably will receive the same answers to the different questions they ask, psychologists are just as subject to replacement by epistemologists as epistemologists are by psychologists. We may leave the unemployment issue aside, however, for if the weak re placement thesis is true, no kind of replacement is likely to go on. Eitherdisciplinecouldreplacetheother, butthereareextremelygood pragmatic reasons why they shouldnot. Ifthe thesisunderdiscussionis true, the psychologyofbeliefacqui sition and epistemology are two different fields, which ask different butequallylegitimatequestionsand havedifferentmethodologies. In spite of these differences a complete (and true) psychology of belief acquisition will describe the same processes that a complete (and true) epistemology will prescribe. That these two fields will, when complete, singleoutthesameprocessesofbeliefacquisitiondoesnot, however, suggest that at stages short of completion, the processes singled out by philosophers and those singled out by psychologists will match perfectly. Indeed it is clear that if pursued independently ofone another, anything shortofa complete psychology would look very different from anything short of a complete epistemology, in spite of their ultimate convergence. Because the two fields deal with differentquestions and because these questions are approached with different methodologies, processes that are easily identified by psy chologists as ones that occur in us may not easily be identified by philosophers as ones that ought to be used; by the same token pro cesseseasilyidentifiedbyphilosophersas onesweoughtto use need not be easily identified by psychologists as processes we actually make use of. The upshot is that even if the weak replacement thesis is true, noactualreplacementcanoccuruntileachfieldhascompleted its work. Moreover, in order to hasten progress, philosophers and psychologists ought to be eagerly examining each other's work. If philosophers correctly identify some process as one by which we ought to arrive at our beliefs, psychologists will thereby know, even iftheyhave riotindependentlydiscoveredit, thatitoccursinus. Sim ilarly if psychologists identify some process as one that occurs in us, epistemologists can be confident that this is a process by which we What Is Naturalistic Epistemology? 9 ought to arrive at our beliefs, even if they have not yet reached that conclusion independently. Thus if the weak replacement thesis is true, we can look forward to rapid progress in both psychology and epistemology as a result of their interaction, rather than either field beingco-opted by the other. Psychologism Psychologism is the view that the processes by which we ought to arrive at our beliefs are the processes by which we do arrive at our beliefs; in short it is the view that the answer to question 3 is "yes." Ifthe weak replacement thesis is true, then so is psychologism. Nev ertheless it may be that psychologism is true and yet the weak re placement thesis is false. In this section I explain how that might be so. ConsiderAlvinGoldman'sanswerto question1inchapter5. Gold man suggests that we ought to arrive at our beliefs by processes that are reliable, that is, by whatever processes tend to produce true be liefs. Let us assume that Goldman is correct, and let us also assume, as Goldman does not, that psychologism is true. It thus follows that the processes by which we actually arrive at our beliefs are reliable. Even though, as we are assuming, a complete psychology of belief acquisitionwoulddescribethesameprocessesGoldman'stheorypre scribes, acompletedpsychologywouldlooknothinglikeacompleted Goldman-style epistemology. It would not do for a psychologist to say merely that the processes by which we arrive at our beliefs are reliable and leave it at that. Obviously a complete psychological the ory must be far more detailed and specific. The added specificity of the psychologicalaccountisnotmerelyunnecessary, however, to an sweringtheepistemologicalquestion, ifanythinglikeGoldman'sthe oryis correct; the psychological theory is simply spelled outin terms at the wrong level ofgenerality to do epistemological work. Imagine that we have a completelistofall thebeliefacquisitionprocessesthat take place in human beings. This list, it seems, will not answer our epistemological question (even assuming psychologism to be true), for we wish to know what all these processes have in common in virtue ofwhich we oughtto acquirebeliefsbyway ofthem. Our psy chological theory will not answer this question. By the same token our philosophical theory, even ifgiven in full detail, will not answer all ourpsychologicalquestions.

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The second edition of Naturalizing Epistemology has been updated and expanded to include seven new articles that take up ongoing debates in the field. As with the first edition, it explores the interaction between psychology and epistemology and addresses empirical questions about how we should arri
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