Nanny’s Asafo Warriors: The Jamaican Maroons’ African Experience

356 Pages·2011·10.21 MB·English

by  Werner Zips

Nanny’s Asafo Warriors
The Jamaican Maroons’ African Experience
Werner Zips
Translated from German by
Francesca Deakin
Copyright
Published in Jamaica, 2011 by
Ian Randle Publishers
11 Cunningham Avenue
P.O. Box 686
Kingston 6
www.ianrandlepublishers.com
© 2011, Werner Zips
ISBN 978-976-637-517-1 (pbk)
Epub Edition @ March/2014 ISBN: 978-976-637-665-9
National Library of Jamaica Cataloguing-in-Publication Data.
Zips, Werner
Nanny’s Asafo Warriors: The Jamaican Maroons’ African Experience / Werner Zips; translated from
German by Francesca Deakin
p. : ill., maps; cm
Bibliography : p. – Includes index
1. Maroons – Jamaica – History 2. Maroons – Jamaica – Legal status, laws, etc.
I. Title
972.92 dc 22
Nanny’s Asafo Warriors. Copyright © 2011 by Werner Zips. All rights reserved under International and
Pan-American Conventions. By payment of the required fees, you have been granted the nonexclusive, non-
transferable right to access and read the text of this e-book on screen. No part of this text may be
reproduced, transmitted, downloaded, decompiled reverse-engineered, or stored in or introduced into any
information storage and retrieval system, in any form or by any means, whether electronic or mechanical,
now known or hereinafter invented, without the express written permission of Ian Randle Publishers.
First published in German by WUV Vienna University Press in 2003 under the title Das Stachelschwein
erinnert sich. Ethnohistorie als praxeologische Strukturgeschichte.
The publication of this book in English is supported by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) and the Austrian
Federal Ministry of Science and Research.
Cover and book design by Ian Randle Publishers
Cover pictures: Manuela Zips-Mairitsch and Werner Zips
All pictures in the book: Manuela Zips-Mairitsch and Werner Zips
Printed and bound in the United States
Frontcover Illustration
Nanny mural in Accompong celebrating the powerful roles of women in African/Maroon societies.
Backcover Illustration
Queenmother of Akropong Traditional Area, Ghana, 1994.
Asafo Companies
Asafo companies are Akan military groups devoted in the past to the defense
of the state: sa (war) and fo (people). These companies, which are most highly
developed among the Fante of Ghana’s Central Region, exert political influence
through their military activities and their participation in the selection and
enstoolment of the chief. Civic duties include sanitation projects, roadbuilding,
policing, fire fighting, and community entertainment. Asafo companies are
opened to both men and women, and larger towns may have several companies.
– Chart at the Cape Coast Castle Museum in Ghana Like many other elements
of the Maroon cultural heritage, the name of this sacred space (Asafo Ground) is
derived from the Akan-speaking peoples of West Africa. In the Asante-Twi and
Fanti languages of what is today Ghana, asàfo refers to a type of warriors’
association that continues to play a prominent role in daily life.
– Bilby (2006, 140)
Contents
Illustrations
Foreword
Preface
Acknowledgements
Introduction
Ethnohistorical Appraisal of the ‘Historical Present’
The Logic of Maroon Political Praxis: Some Theoretical and Methodological
Notes
Routes from the Roots – Africa in Jamaica
A Comparative Dimension of West Africa and the Caribbean: On the Structural
History of Chieftaincy among the Maroons
Engendering History: Comparative Reconstruction of Female Political
Participation in Jamaica and West Africa
Sanctified by Blood Sacrifice – The 1738/1739 Peace Treaty as the Basis for
Maroon Sovereignty
Epilogue
Bibliography
Appendix
Illustrations
1. Hansley Charles Reid (Abeng blower in camouflage), Johnny Kudji Chambers (singer), Edwin ‘Jah
Youth’ Peddie (repeater drum), and Bill Peddie (Gumbe drum) performing Kromanti songs at Peace
Cave (1994).
2. The British originally identified all Africans shipped from Fort Kormantse as ‘Coromantees’ – a
notion later deconstructed by the Maroons as ‘Kromanti culture’ to identify their common
experience.
3. Fort Kormantse overlooking the Fante village of Kormantse in the Central Region, Ghana.
4. ‘The door of no return’ in Elmina Castle: exit point to Jamaica and other Caribbean islands for many
enslaved Africans.
5. Elmina Castle, built in 1482 by the Portuguese and captured by the Dutch in 1637, became one of the
major centres of the slave trade until its abolition in 1807.
6. View from the Jamaican Cockpit Country en route to Accompong into the plantations around
Appleton estate.
7. Accompong: the mountain haven and free state of the Leeward Maroons.
8. Village in the Asante Region, Ghana close to Kumasi.
9. Provision grounds in Accompong, Jamaica.
10. Nana Odeneho Numapau II, Paramount Chief of Essumeja pouring libations (nsaguo) for the seven
Clans of Asante in the sacred Asantemanso forest, the mythical place of origin for the Asante nation,
in the company of his linguist, elders and the chief of Asantemanso.
11. Bill Peddie at the sacrifical altar in Old Town, the village of the ancestors, a few days after the annual
festival commemorating Kojo, Nanny and the original Maroon freedom fighters (1988).
12. Peace Cave – a few miles from Accompong. According to oral tradition, the peace treaty of
1738/1739 was signed at this location and brought about formal independence from Great Britain.
13. A view of Old Town, the place of origin and site of Kojo’s and other first-time Maroons’ graves – in
some way the Jamaican equivalent to Asantemanso in Ghana.
14. Blowers of Asante ceremonial horns opening a ceremony in Bonwire, Ghana.
15. Hansley Charles Reid, Chief Abeng blower of Accompong in Jamaica, at the opening of Kojo’s Day,
the night before the annual festival.
16. Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings giving her opening remarks for the celebration of 300 years Kente
weaving under a royal state umbrella (kyini), the symbol of unity and rational decision making in
Asante.
17. Ceremonial Horns play an important role in Ghana for the communication with ancestors whose
support is needed at any major event. They speak the language of those who provided the historical
basis of the present wealth.
18. Cutting up the sacrificial hog (oprako) under the ‘umbrella’ of the Kindah tree on Kojo’s Day at
Accompong, Jamaica (1989).
19. The Abeng is blown at the entrance of Peace Cave – the same place it ‘sounded freedom’ some 270
years ago for the Leeward Maroons.
20. ‘Natural mystic blowing in the air:’ The smoke of the roasted sacrificial hog bathes the old Kromanti
burial grounds at Kindah in a special light.
21. A wooden house on the old Parade Ground (equivalent to the Asafo muster ground in Akan) boasts
an artistic imagination of Nanny and a contemporary Soul Rebel.
22. A symbolically camouflaged Asafo group from Winneba, Ghana on a ceremonial hunt to honor the
deeds of the ancestors.
23. The red Asafo group of Winneba during the ‘Deer Hunt Festival’ (2003).
24. Dressed in symbolic camouflage and led by their Abeng blower, a group of Maroons returns from
Old Town where they enjoyed their ritual gathering with the ancestors (1997).
25. A tired Asafo warrior watches his female and male comrades on their ritual mission to hunt a
sacrificial deer for their God Penkye Otu in Winneba, Ghana (2003).
26. Young Asafos from Winneba closing ranks with sticks to clear the way on their ceremonial hunt
(2004).
27. Nana Rowe (in red and white dress) on her last physical procession through Accompong in 1997.
Right behind marches her nephew Meredie Rowe, the then Colonel of Accompong.
28. ‘Clear road oh, all the forces are coming,’ chant the Maroons of Accompong on their procession
from Kindah tree to the town centre.
29. The annual procession on Kojo’s Day through Accompong shares numerous structural features with
Durbars in Akan societies: It demonstrates togetherness of the living, unity with the ancestors and the
will to constant political corporateness in the future.
30. Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, former First Lady of Ghana and founder of a successful
countrywide women’s movement. Her honorary title Nana signifies her hereditary role as Asante
queenmother.
31. Nana Rowe, the late Kromanti specialist of the Accompong Maroons, known by all just as ‘Nana’ –
reminiscent of the Akan traditional reverence for prominent elders, chiefs and queenmothers.
32. Cora Rowe, a true representative of wisdom supreme or aberewa, the Akan circumscription for a
queenmother. She modestly turned down the offer for nomination as candidate for the post of
Colonel of Accompong in 1996.
33. Former Colonel Harris N. Cawley of Accompong presents proudly the Jamaican $500 bill in honour
of Nanny.
34. Queenmother Nana Adwoa Pokuaa Nyankompon II speaks at a meeting of the Traditional Council of
Essumeja presided over by Nana Odeneho Numapau II (1998).
35. Nana One Africa, a homecomer from the African diaspora, paying respect to the Chiefs of Oguaa
Traditional State (Cape Coast) during the Fetu Afahye festival (1997).
36. Maroon women play the key role as dancers and singers of Kromanti hymns under the shade of the
Kindah tree.
37. Nana Ama Gyaaba II, Queenmother of Efutu-Mampon, holding court on behalf of women’s affairs
(1998).
38. The late Asantehene, Otumfuo Opoku Ware II sitting in state under his umbrella during a session of
the Royal Court at the Manhyia Palace in Kumasi (1994).
39. A court session in the absence of the state umbrella (the Asantehene) destined to settle a complicated
land dispute over stool lands (1998). The colour of the dress signifies the seriousness of the case.
40. The Asantehene presiding over the discussions inclined to reach a decision by consensus. The
umbrella also carries the meaning of ‘cool’ rational decision making.
41. The Silver Jubilee (1995) of Asantehene Otumfuo Opoku Ware II provides a graphic structural
display of the entire Asante monarchical system.
42. Each umbrella stands for a segment of the Asante Traditional State (Asanteman) under a chief who
owes allegiance to the Asantehene, the King of Kings in Asante.
43. The actual setting of the state umbrellas is a matter of strict protocol indicating the decree of power
in relation to the Golden Stool (of the Asantehene).
44. Such ritual settings serve to renew all oaths of allegiance and therefore confirm the established power
structure.
45. Asantehene Otumfuo Opoku Ware II is carried in his palanquin under the royal state umbrella in red
and black colors.
46. An Asante paramount chief accompanied by his swordbearers at the Silver Jubilee of the Asantehene.
47. Master drummer Edwin ‘Jah Youth’ Peddie under the Maroon ‘umbrella’ of Kindah tree.
48. Procession from Kindah to Accompong centre led by stickbearers to clear the way (2008).
49. Maroon in symbolic camouflage during the procession on Kojo’s Day.
50. Start of the procession from Kindah tree with Colonel/Chief Sydney Peddie in African dress flanked
by the chief Abeng blower.
51. Chief Abeng blower Hansley Charles Reid from Accompong, Jamaica.
52. Sacrificial goat offered by the local Asafo group to the ancestors during the funeral of Jacob Nii
Ayaa Aryee II, Kingmaker (Jasetse) of Dome, in Achimota, Ghana on January 17, 1998.
53. Nana Kwow Ackon VI, Twafohene of Oguaa Traditional Area riding in his ‘tiger’ palanquin during
the Fetu Afahye festival in Cape Coast, Ghana (1994).
54. (Re)presenting tradition and culture ‘in fine style:’ Nana Kwow Ackon VI.
55. Chief sword bearer of an Asante paramount chief during a Durbar in 1997.
56. ‘Fire, o the Porcupine, fire:’ The Asante war song aptly describes the Kalahari lion’s hard learned
lesson from his attack on the pugnacious animal. Nanny’s Asafo Warriors appropriately carried the
Asante state symbol on their transatlantic journey. The porcupine never gives up and will defend
itself even if death is sure.
Foreword
You hold in your hands a new and illuminating view of the legendary
Maroons of Jamaica. Although the Jamaican Maroon epic continues to receive
scant mention in the versions of world history dispensed to the public at large,
there is no shortage of scholarly writing about the Maroons. With thousands of
pages already devoted to them, what more is there to be said about these self-
liberated Africans and their unconquerable spirit?
Werner Zips reveals in this book that the search for fundamental truths about
the historical Maroons has really just begun, for virtually everything that has
been written about the Jamaican Maroons is suspect. Like others before him,
Zips had to contend with an unfortunate but incontrovertible fact: the written
historical record we have of these people consists almost entirely of documents
compiled by the Maroons’ British enemies. As a result, as Zips points out, ‘much
of what is taken for granted concerning the Maroons’ history is actually a mere
reiteration of the slave masters’ constructions.’ In effect, more than two and a
half centuries after the Maroons won official recognition of their freedom, their
history remains captive to the colonial archives. The past we strain to see is
refracted through a severely distorting prism. The determination to help liberate
Maroon history from the imperial viewpoint inscribed in these archival sources
lies at the heart of this book.
To be sure, Zips is not the first to recognise the need to rewrite the history of
Africans and their descendants in the Americas from a perspective closer to that
of the historical actors themselves. He argues persuasively, however, that almost
all of those who have attempted to rescue Jamaican Maroon history from the
hegemony of one-sided, Eurocentric historiography have, to a greater or lesser
extent, failed to truly see beyond the myopic and irretrievably biased colonial
sources on which their work continues to be based. While quick to acknowledge
that previous writers have contributed many valid and valuable insights, he
suggests that even some of the most explicitly anti-hegemonic historians have
reproduced certain of the questionable assumptions embedded in the sources on
which they depend, at times actually taking over the hegemonic perspectives of
those who produced these documents. ‘Without even being aware of it,’ he
argues, ‘modern authors contribute to the reproduction of the major project of
imperial historiography.’ This is caused not only by a lingering positivistic faith
in the inherent superiority of the written record, but by a continuing lack of real
knowledge about the cultural – and especially political and legal – institutional
structures and cognitive assumptions that formed a critical part of the