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Methods of Social Research PDF

179 Pages·1969·2.424 MB·English
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Other Titles of Interest DANZIGER Interpersonal Communication GREEN and JOHNS An Introduction to Sociology HALPERN Survival-Black/White JOHNS The Social Structure of Modern Britain JOHNS The Sociology of Organizational Change PITT The Social Dynamics of Development RICHMOND Readings in Race and Ethnic Relations WHITE FRANKLIN Family Matters: Perspectives on the Family and Social Policy YAHIEL Sociology and Social Practice A Related Journal Social Science & Medicine Methods of Social Research BY MARGARET STACEY P E R G A M ON P R E SS OXFORD · NEW YORK · TORONTO SYDNEY · PARIS · FRANKFURT U.K. Pergamon Press Ltd., Headington Hill Hall, Oxford OX3 OBW, England U.S.A. Pergamon Press Inc., Maxwell House, Fairview Park, Elmsford, New York 10523, U.S.A. CANADA Pergamon Press Canada Ltd., Suite 104, 150 Consumers Road, Willowdale, Ontario M2J 1P9, Canada AUSTRALIA Pergamon Press (Aust.) Pty. Ltd., P.O. Box 544, Potts Point, N.S.W. 2011, Australia FRANCE Pergamon Press SARL, 24 rue des Ecoles, 75240 Paris, Cedex 05, France FEDERAL REPUBLIC Pergamon Press GmbH, Hammerweg 6, OF GERMANY D-6242 Kronberg-Taunus, Federal Republic of Germany Copyright © 1969 Pergamon Press Ltd. All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may he reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or hy any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic tape, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without permission in writing from the publishers. First edition 1969 Reprinted 1970, 1977, 1980, 1982, 1985 Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 69-12810 Printed in Great Britain by A. Wheaton & Co. Ltd., Exeter ISBN 0-08 013355-X (Hardcover) ISBN 0-08-013354-1 (Flexicovcr) List of Figures 1. Observation Sheet facing p. 64 2. Bealey et aïs. modification of census classes 115 3. Cope-Chat card 120 4. I.B.M. card 122 5. Bales's system of categories 128 VI List of Tables 1. Voting and income 110 2. Voting and occupational status 111 3. Percentage class and 1959 general election vote (after Bealey) 117 4. Percentage class, self-assigned class, and 1959 general election vote (after Bealey) 118 5. An illustration of coding for Cope-Chat 119 6. An illustration of coding for machine sorting 123 vii Preface THE object of this book is to provide an introduction to some of the methods of social research for students who are approaching the subject for the first time. These may be students of sociology at university or technical college, or administrators who find them- selves called upon to make or cooperate in some social investigation. The book has been written with Commonwealth as well as British students in mind. There is some popular tendency to confuse social research with the sample social survey. This book has therefore sought to show that sample surveys are only one method among many of under- taking social research. It has been impossible to cover every technique and every method, or to illustrate from every area of study. Some subjects, such as socio-historical research, attitude testing, and sociometry, have been ignored altogether. The aim, indeed, was not to be inclusive, but rather to indicate the breadth of the subject, selecting particularly those types of research where, through my own fieldwork or through supervision of graduate students, I have a special interest and knowledge. This, like every other sociological work I have undertaken, owes a very great deal to the early training given me in the theories and methods of sociology by Professor M. Ginsberg at the London School of Economics during the Second World War. I would also like to acknowledge the daily help of colleagues, both staff and students, who have helped me to see and to try to solve problems. In particular I would like to thank Colin Bell for reading and criticizing the typescript, Richard Startup for certain specific statistical advice, June Pratten for typing the manuscript and Sandra Johns the indices. I would also like to acknowledge ix X PREFACE gratefully Professor A. Richmond's criticism of the original text and his suggested improvements. Needless to say, no one but myself is answerable for the facts reported and the views expressed here. Finally, my thanks go to Frank, my husband, and the children, Pat, Richard, Kate, Peter, and Michael, for helping me to combine the role of wife- mother with the gainful occupation of university lecturer. MARGARET STAGEY School of Social Studies University College Swansea July 1967 C H A P T ER 1 The Scientific Method THERE are many techniques of social investigation, but those that will be dealt with in this book have an important feature in common : they all use the scientific method and are undertaken in a spirit of free inquiry. This attitude underlying research into social matters is at least as important as the detail of the methods used. A particular technique can be turned to any end : it is a tool which can be used or misused, either deliberately or from ignorance. The types of social investigation with which this book will be concerned are those which honestly set out to increase our knowledge of the facts of social life or to further our understanding of social relations. It is concerned with studies which aim to *'prove a theory' ' only so long as the investigator sets out in the spirit of one who says "I have an idea, let's see if it is true" and is entirely willing to have his hypotheses disproved. Indeed, more than this: he must try as hard as he can to disprove the theory, to see if it will stand up to destructive tests. Only when he has done this is he in a position to say: "I think this theory is right, and so far neither I nor anybody else has been able to disprove it." The scientific method implies that there is no limit to human knowledge, that it is most unlikely that anyone ever has the final answer, that there is always more to learn, that it is hard to imagine the day when the frontiers of knowledge have been pushed right back. Indeed, it assumes that that place is at infinity and cannot be reached. Nevertheless, the frontiers can be pushed back, the exer- cise is worth doing, knowledge can be increased, and sometimes a really exciting breakthrough is made. 1 2 METHODS OF SOCIAL RESEARCH Humility, then, is an important presupposition for satisfactory social research ; humility in the face of the contributions of others and of the immensity of the subject. It is necessary for the researcher to relate his work to that of others and build on what they have done. This is why there are rules and conventions about making proper acknowledgements to other workers and adequate references to their work (although one sometimes suspects the convention is misused to display erudition). In this way all the pieces of new knowledge may be fitted together and one description checked against another, or one interpretation tested against another. It is also why it is most important that data should be collected in ways comparable with other data.* Since the researcher must be willing to be proved wrong he should always try and set out the evidence for his conclusions or for the statements that he is making fully and fairly. This means that he should set the evidence out in such a way that someone else could possibly draw a different conclusion from them, or use the evidence in a different way, or, if the conclusion is apparently inescapable, that the reader should be able to work his own way through the evidence to it. This is much easier said than done. Distortion can creep in at many points. Even if there is no deliberate intention to mislead, or to twist the evidence, it is easy to do so quite unconsciously. Human bias may enter any scientific work and social research is particularly susceptible to this source of error. Since we are all human we are all involved in what we are studying when we try to study any aspect of social relations. It is part of us. This is true whether we are studying social situations familiar or unfamiliar to us. We may be shocked by behaviour which is different from that which we are used to and have learned to think is right, or we may be so overwhelmed by the differences that our observations are not sufficiently discriminating. When looking at situations we already know, we may fail to see important social features because they are part of a landscape whose familiarity makes us uncritical even if it makes us contemptuous. Our own interests and our own biases may not only enter in the course of doing the research, but will *Of this more will be said later. See pp. 9-10, 139-40. THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD 3 have already entered in our choice of research. We chose it either because we have a special interest in it, or because we want to avoid some other aspect which we cannot face for some reason, or because this is research which persons with power and authority wish done and are willing to pay for. We all have a set of expec- tations about what is the proper way to behave in social relations, and judgements about the value we accord to ideas and to individ- uals. We cannot get rid of our preferences, our prejudices, or of our value judgements. Nor do I believe that it is possible to draw a hard and fast line between X the research worker and X the citizen with the rights and duties that go with citizenship. Adopting a neutral political or social role is no answer to this problem, for neutrality is a position with attached attitudes. What we can and should do is to understand ourselves and our social positions, to be aware of what our own interests and biases are, and, in so far as this is possible, why we have them. Having made our positions and biases clear to ourselves there is a case for making them overt to others, but if we have been honest with ourselves this is far less difficult. As Polonius said to Laertes: "To thine own self be true, . . . thou canst not then be false to any man" (Hamlet). Nevertheless, there are certain conventions which can be followed which will assist us in applying these principles to any actual piece of research. For example, it is probably wise not to be involved in public controversy about a matter which is a current subject of research. The danger of such controversy is twofold. One, that it may lead others to distrust the rigour of the tests which one is applying to the matter in hand. Two, and even more important, it may lead to emotional involvement of a kind that tends to reduce clear thinking by the research worker. It is much harder tö be prepared to have a theory disproved if one has committed oneself to it publicly. On the other hand, there may be situations in which such public involvement is felt to be inescapable because of the importance of the values involved. Where, in practice, the line should be drawn between involvement and non-involvement must, of course, be decided for himself by each research worker. The important point is that he should be aware that he has a position, even if it is one of

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