Macmillan Encyclopedia of Aging - Volume 3 (L-P) Language about Aging - Psychotherapy – MacMillan Reference-Thomson-Gale

402 Pages·2016·4.18 MB·English

by  Ekerdt D.J.

Ekerdt, D.J. et al (Eds.) (2002) Macmillan Encyclopedia of Aging - Volume 3 (L-P)
Language about Aging - Psychotherapy – MacMillan Reference-Thomson-Gale
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EDITORIAL BOARD
EEDDIITTOORR IINN CCHHIIEEFF
David J. Ekerdt, Ph.D.
Professor of Sociology and Senior Scientist in Gerontology
University of Kansas
EEDDIITTOORRSS
Robert Applebaum, Ph.D.
Professor, Associate Director
Scripps Gerontology Center
Miami University
Karen C.A. Holden, Ph.D.
Professor of Public Affairs and Consumer Science
La Follette School of Public Affairs and the Department of
Consumer Science
University of Wisconsin-Madison
Stephen G. Post, Ph.D.
Professor
Department of Bioethics, School of Medicine
Case Western Reserve University
Kenneth Rockwood, M.D.
Dalhousie University
Richard Schulz, Ph.D.
Professor of Psychiatry, Epidemiology, Sociology, and
Psychology
Director, University Center for Social and Urban Research
University of Pittsburgh
Richard L. Sprott, Ph.D.
Executive Director
The Ellison Medical Foundation
Peter Uhlenberg, Ph.D.
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
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David J. Ekerdt, Editor in Chief
VOLUME 3
Language about Aging – Psychotherapy
eoa_fm 5/24/02 11:07 AM Page iv
Encyclopedia of Aging
David J. Ekerdt, Editor in Chief
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Encyclopedia of aging / David J. Ekerdt, editor.— 1st ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-02-865472-2 (set : hardcover : alk. paper)
1. Gerontology—Encyclopedias. 2. Aged—Encyclopedias. 3.
Aging—Encyclopedias. I. Ekerdt, David J. (David Joseph), 1949-
HQ1061 .E534 2002
305.26’03—dc21
2002002596
ISBNs
Volume 1: 0-02-865468-4
Volume 2: 0-02-865469-2
Volume 3: 0-02-865470-6
Volume 4: 0-02-865471-4
Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
L
LANGUAGE ABOUT AGING favor of an age group’’ (Palmore, p. 4). Because
most discussions of ageism focus solely on the
Social phenomena and social practices often
negative aspects of this practice, Palmore’s defi-
exist long before they receive an identifying
nition is preferable because of its balance. Pal-
label. The subsequent act of naming an activity
more rightly points out that ageist prejudice and
is significant because it allows people to refer to
discrimination may be either negative or posi-
it. The word ageism is a case in point. Until Rob-
tive.
ert N. Butler introduced the term in 1969, there
was no uniform way to refer to the behaviors as- Language, or words, constitute an interme-
sociated with the practice of ageism, even though diate point between an attitude and an act. In
the activity had existed long before it acquired a this sense, the words chosen by an individual
label. This word now appears in virtually every provide a strong indication about that person’s
dictionary of the English language published beliefs, and possibly actions, towards members of
since the 1970s. The first definitions of ageism fo- an identifiable group. Just as words have the
cused almost exclusively on its negative charac- power to harm or to heal people, ageist vocabu-
teristics, since much of the treatment of older lary may also have the same effect. As we shall
adults in society constituted mistreatment. The see, the vocabulary alluding to older people is
term may allude to prejudice (stereotypes and largely negative, hence its potential to harm is far
attitudes) or to discrimination (personal or insti- more significant.
tutional). Prejudice exists in the mind and repre-
Addressed here are the following aspects of
sents stereotypical notions about individual
language about aging: (1) an appropriate name
members of a group based on misinformation or
for older adults; (2) the vocabulary about older
erroneous observations. Discrimination is a de-
adults and aging; (3) metaphoric language; (4)
liberate act, based on prejudice, perpetrated
proverbial language; (5) slogans; and (6) names
against members of a group. Once ageism re-
and forms of address.
ceived a name, scholars began to describe its vari-
ous societal manifestations, concentrating their
research on its harmful instances. Nevertheless, Designations for older adults
ageism also has a positive dimension, one which
The appropriate designation for people who
views older adults and aging in a strictly favor-
are older has been a debatable issue. A 1979 Har-
able light. Both views, of course, may result in
ris Poll conducted for the National Council on
misrepresentations and stereotypes about older
the Aging provided a list of ten terms (aged per-
adults.
son, elderly person, golden ager, mature American,
Even though most definitions of ageism middle-aged person, old man/old woman, old timer,
focus on its negative properties, one definition older American, retired person, senior citizen) to de-
captures the duality of this term. Erdman B. Pal- termine their acceptability among older adults—
more defines this concept simply and accurately defined as people over the age of sixty-five. The
as ‘‘any prejudice or discrimination against or in results of this survey indicated that the most liked
757
758 LANGUAGE ABOUT AGING
terms were senior citizen, retired person, and mature Vocabulary about older adults and aging
American.
The vocabulary about aging consists of two
In an empirical study of the naming prefer- basic types. On the one hand, there is the vast
ences of three separate age groups (17–44, 45– array of technical terminology, usually of Greco-
64, and 65 and older), Carole A. Barbato and Latin origin and generally considered to be neu-
Jerry D. Feezel examined the reactions of mem- tral or nonageist, that appears in professional
bers of each group to the following lexical terms publications such as those published by The Ger-
ontological Society of America (i.e., the Gerontolo-
for older adults: mature American, retired person, se-
gist and the Journals of Gerontology). Specific
nior citizen, golden ager, old timer, elderly, aged per-
examples of professional terminology of Greek
son, old folks, biddy, and fogie. The results of this
origin include: geriatrician, geriatrics, gerontologist,
experiment showed that respondents from all
gerontology, geropsychology, gerontophilia, and geron-
three age groups favored mature American, senior
tophobia. Expressions of Latin derivation include
citizen, and retired person. The two oldest groups
the following: sexagenarian, septuagenarian, octoge-
had a favorable reaction to senior citizen and ma-
narian, nonagenarian, and centenarian.
ture American. The youngest group of respon-
dents liked elder, but only one positive response Another group of English words about older
for this term occurred in the other two age adults and aging also exists. These expressions
groups. The other three preferred terms, in occur in ordinary conversation, and virtually all
order of preference, were retired person, golden of them disparage older adults in various ways.
ager, and elderly. Of an extensive vocabulary of perhaps 450,000
words, a relatively small, though frequently used,
In their discussion of the results of this study, number of these lexical items refer to aging and
published in the Gerontologist, Barbato and Feezel older adults. Two studies on the vocabulary of
note that Frank Nuessel (1982) viewed the term ageist language have documented some of the
elderly as neutral and nonstereotypic. They point most common ageist expressions. Both of these
out that this term ranked among the lowest in studies (Nuessel 1982, 1984) found that the pop-
their study. Nevertheless, in their own examina- ular vocabulary for older adults is largely nega-
tion of the 1984 and 1985 issues of the Gerontolo- tive. Despite the abundance of disparaging
gist, elderly was found to be the most frequently expressions for older adults, however, there are
used expression. Barbato and Feezel (p. 531) fur- a few favorable terms used to allude to older
ther note that, two years later, Nuessel (1984) be- adults, such as mature, mellow, sage, venerable, vet-
lieved that elder was a more neutral term. In a eran, and wise. Although the adjective old general-
response to the Barbato and Feezel article, Nues- ly bears a negative connotation when applied to
people, it has a positive sense when applied to ob-
sel (1987) argues that the imposition of a term on
jects such as brandy, wine, cheese, lace, and
older adults may not be the best approach to this
wood. It is perhaps reflective of our society that
terminological issue. Since naming is a question
old things possess more value than old people.
of self-definition, a group-determined appella-
The deprecating verbiage for older adults and
tion may ultimately be the best solution.
their attributes, however, far surpasses the rela-
Times, like language, change, and the edi- tively few positive words.
tors of this volume have avoided the terms the
Language may be spontaneous (e.g., the
aged and the elderly. In place of the latter, the ex-
words employed in everyday speech), or it may
pressions older adults or elderly persons have been
be deliberate and calculated (e.g., word used in
used. This change in preference for terms to
the print media, including greeting cards, news-
refer to older adults is reflected elsewhere, such
papers, magazines, books, and cartoons—or in
as in the Thesaurus of Aging Terminology (Diliberti
the nonprint media, such as television shows,
and Eccles, p. 43), where, under the entry ‘‘el-
movies, music videos, video games, and song lyr-
derly,’’ the reader is advised to use the expres- ics). The source of most nonprint media lan-
sion older adults. Under the entry ‘‘older adult,’’ guage derives from an original script, so there is
the editors state that this phrase has been ‘‘as- ultimately a written source for visual and audito-
signed routinely to all documents focusing on ry media. Negative linguistic ageism may mani-
persons aged 60 and older.’’ Clearly older adult fest itself in different ways. In discourse or in
has become the preferred professional term. writing, ageist language may be explicit and
LANGUAGE ABOUT AGING 759
blunt. Some individuals automatically refer to Certain negative descriptive adjectives fre-
older adults in terms of preconceived notions quently refer to older adults. These descriptors
about them. Such notions include distortion, fall into specific categories: (1) physical appear-
which is the attribution of negative physical, be- ance (decrepit, frumpy, wrinkled); (2) behavioral
havioral, and mental traits to older adults (i.e., patterns (crotchety, fussy, garrulous, grouchy,
toothless, grumpy, senile); and degradation, which al- grumpy, miserly); (3) physical ability (debilitated, fee-
ludes to the practice of portraying older adults as ble, infirm, rickety); and (4) mental ability (dodder-
physically obnoxious or intellectually inferior ing, eccentric, feebleminded, foolish, rambling, senile).
(i.e., decrepit, foolish). A selected listing of terminology used to refer to
older adults and aging appears in Table 1.
Scripted material is a major source of calcu-
lated caricatures of older adults and old age. The
birthday card provides the most ubiquitous ex- Metaphoric language
ample. A visit to any card shop provides numer-
In traditional literary analysis, a metaphor is
ous examples of this verbal depiction of older
a figure of speech or a linguistic adornment in-
adults and old age. Humorous cards about old
tended to enhance the expressive qualities of a
age frequently allude to its negative characteris-
text. George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (1980),
tics, which are reflected in the language, such as
however, have shown that metaphoric language
allusions to such caricatures as the dirty old man—
constitutes a way of viewing the world that direct-
often also reflected in unflattering line drawings.
ly influences people’s perception of it. A meta-
Many of the verbal allusions in these cards relate
phor is an implied comparison, and it has the
to behavior (cranky, silly) or physical appearance
form A = B (e.g., ‘‘John is a snake.’’ Here, the
and demeanor (rumpled, shriveled).
hearer has to fill in certain information generally
In plays, stage directions provide actors with known about the appearance and behavior of a
the author’s visual and mental conceptualization snake). In this sense, a metaphor describes the
of various characters. This interlinear commen- unknown in terms of the known. Metaphors are
tary frequently alludes to the nonverbal behavior thus powerful cognitive devices, since they allow
of the character to be portrayed, especially older one dimension of the world to shape another.
adults. Words alluding to the kinesic behavior, or Thus, metaphors function as a linguistic mecha-
the significant bodily movements, of an older nism that selects and filters certain aspects of the
character may include expressions such as teeter- real world and projects these dimensions onto
ing, unstable, and so forth. Other vocabulary other parts of it. In this constructivist view of
items that refer to paralanguage, or how some- metaphor, one in which language shapes our
thing is said, are often associated with older char- perceptions of reality, a decidedly negative view
acters, including verbs like mumble and mutter. of older adults and old age emerges. One com-
Other stage directions for older characters that mon geriatric metaphor is OLD AGE IS TERMI-
reflect their stereotypic conceptualization by the NAL DECLINE. This conceptual metaphor may
author involve words that refer to manifestations produce a negative ageist view of older adults be-
of physical problems, such as drool and totter. Ad- cause it considers old age to be a period of deteri-
ditional verbal descriptions may appear as verb oration and decadence. This perspective may
phrases referring to certain problems associated thus facilitate medical undertreatment of older
with old age, including to cup one’s ear to indicate adults because of its erroneous view of old age as
a hearing deficit or to squint to signal a visual one of irreversible degeneration.
problem. Samuel Beckett’s one dramatic piece
Krapp’s Last Tape, for example, describes the pro- A subcategory of metaphor is metonymy (the
tagonist in the following terms as ‘‘very near- use of the part for the whole). Within health care
sighted’’ and ‘‘hard-of-hearing’’ (p. 9). The au- settings, metonymy is a common way to allude to
thor uses specific kinesic verbs such as ‘‘fumble’’ older adults; the use of such expressions as the
(p. 10) to signify the character’s lack of agility, sick heart, the broken hip, or the cancerous liver are
and the phrase ‘‘cup the ear’’ (p. 13) to allude to examples. In some respects, these references un-
the character’s hearing impairment. The paral- derlie Western medicine’s belief that the human
inguistic expression ‘‘fit of coughing’’ (p. 17) body is a mechanism with replaceable or repair-
stands for his poor health. able parts.
760 LANGUAGE ABOUT AGING
Table 1 Proverbial language
A Selected List of Ageist Terms and Expressions
Many dictionaries define proverbs as brief,
fixed popular sayings that state a commonly held
belief. A study of seventy-two Italian proverbs
about aging and older people (Nuessel 2000a, p.
312) found that thirty-nine were positive, thirty
were negative, and three were ambiguous in
their interpretation. In their thematically ar-
ranged dictionary of American proverbs,
Mieder, Kingsbury and Harder (1992, pp. 12–
13, 437–438) include ninety-eight proverbs and
variants under the rubrics age, aged, and old. Of
these, seventy-five depict old age in a negative
fashion, while twenty-three offer a positive view.
Proverbs such as ‘‘nature abhors the old’’ and
‘‘there is no fool like an old fool’’ reflect the nega-
tive perspective in proverbial language, while
‘‘with age comes wisdom’’ and ‘‘old foxes are not
easily caught’’ express the positive viewpoint.
Slogans
Related to proverbial language is the slo-
gan—a memorable, fixed catchphrase intended
to advance some cause. The ubiquitous bumper
sticker is one of the most common manifestations
of this linguistic form. Some of the better known
examples of slogans have a positive reference, in-
cluding ‘‘age is just a number’’ and ‘‘older is
bolder.’’ These slogans often affirm old age and
older adults.
Names and forms of address
In interpersonal communication, forms of
address and names define social relationships.
The use of a person’s first name indicates a close,
long-standing relationship, hence the expression
‘‘to be on a first name basis.’’ Nevertheless, there
are circumstances in which the use of an appro-
priate title (Mr., Mrs., Miss, Doctor, etc.) and sur-
name is necessary because of the formal nature
of the discourse; these include job interviews, ini-
tial contact with a person, and so forth. This use
of forms of address and personal names, though
not formalized, derives from implicit rules of dis-
course that set the stage for ongoing social rela-
tionships. Their use thus reveals much about
personal associations (e.g., the use of a formal
form of address by one conversational partici-
pant and an informal one by the other signals the
dominant and subordinate speaker). The inap-
propriate use of forms of address and names may
SOURCE: Author have the effect of infantilizing older adults. Such
LANGUAGE ABOUT AGING 761
patronizing and demeaning usage often occurs BIBLIOGRAPHY
in health care and geriatric facilities.
ARLUKE, A., and LEVIN, J. ‘‘Old Age as a Second
Childhood.’’ Aging 346 (1984): 7–11.
Negative linguistic ageism frequently mani-
BARBATO, C. A., and FEEZEL, J. D. ‘‘The Lan-
fests itself in the names and in the forms of ad-
guage of Aging in Different Groups.’’ The Ger-
dress used with older adults. This sort of
ontologist 27 (1987): 527–531.
language behavior is a verbal indication of the in-
BECKETT, S. Krapp’s Last Tape and Other Dramatic
fantilizing process. There are five common ex-
Pieces. New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1960,
amples of this subtle form of linguistic abuse. The Pages 7–28.
first one involves the use of an older adult’s first BUTLER, R. N. ‘‘Age-ism: Another Form of Bigot-
name, especially by a younger person, without ry.’’ The Gerontologist (1969): 243–246.
first asking permission to do so. This tactic imme- BYTHEWAY, B. Ageism. Buckingham, U.K.: Open
diately establishes power relationships in a con- University Press, 1995.
versation. It should be noted, however, that COUPLAND, N.; COUPLAND, J.; and GILES, H. Lan-
guage, Society, and the Elderly. Oxford, U.K.:
there is a tendency in contemporary U.S. society
Blackwell, 1991.
to use a person’s name without seeking permis-
DILIBERTI, W., and ECCLES, M., eds. Thesaurus of
sion though many older adults are not accus-
Aging Terminology, 5th ed. Washington, D.C.:
tomed to this practice. Second, the use of
Research Information Center, American Asso-
diminutive forms of first names, such as Johnny ciation of Retired Persons, 1994.
or Annie, with older individuals is a more degrad- KENYON, G. M.; BIRREN, J. E.; and SCHROOTS, J.
ing usage than using the first name—these are J. F., eds. Metaphors of Aging in Science and the
forms that are generally reserved for speaking Humanities. New York: Springer, 1991.
with small children. A third example involves the LAKOFF, G., and JOHNSON, M. Metaphors We Live
inappropriate use of terms of affection and en- By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1980.
dearment (dear, honey, poor dear, good girl, good
MIEDER, W.; KINGSBURY, S. A.; and HARDER, K.
boy) by people who have no claim to their use. Di-
B., eds. A Dictionary of American Proverbs. New
minutive forms (dearie, sweetie) of these words
York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
only add to this infantilizing humiliation. A
NUESSEL, F. ‘‘The Language of Ageism.’’ The Ger-
fourth example of names used with older people
ontologist 22 (1982): 273–276.
includes such generic names as gramps or granny, NUESSEL, F. ‘‘Ageist Language.’’ Maledicta 8
which are frequently employed by small children (1984–1985): 17–28.
with their older relatives. The fifth form of this NUESSEL, F. ‘‘Letter to the Editor.’’ The Gerontolo-
kind of linguistic ageism is anonymity. Not using gist 27 (1987): 809.
the name of an older person at all marks them as NUESSEL, F. The Image of Older Adults in the Media:
An Annotated Bibliography. Westport, Conn.:
nonentities whose worth is negligible. Two addi-
Greenwood Press, 1992a.
tional examples of linguistic ageism that often
NUESSEL, F. The Semiotics of Ageism. Monograph
take place in health care environments involve
Series of the Toronto Semiotic Circle, No. 10.
pronominal forms. In the first instance, a third
Toronto: Toronto Semiotic Circle, 1992b.
person pronominal reference (he, she) is used in
NUESSEL, F. ‘‘Metaphors of Aging.’’ Semiotica 97
the presence of the person being spoken about
(1993): 177–188.
as if they were unworthy of conversational inclu- NUESSEL, F. ‘‘Metaphorical Constructs, Aging,
sion (e.g., ‘‘he’s having a bad day’’). A second in- and Health Care Delivery.’’ Signifying Behav-
stance involves the use of the first-person plural ior: A Journal of Research in Semiotics, Communi-
pronoun (we) as a subordinating communicative cations and Cognitive Science 1 (1994): 201–213.
act, such as in the expression ‘‘How are we doing NUESSEL, F. ‘‘Future Directions for Research on
today?’’ It is clear in this usage that there is no the Media Depiction of Older Adults: A U.S.
Perspective.’’ In Images of Aging in Western So-
sense of solidarity with the older person.
cieties. Edited by Cornelia Hummel and Chris-
tian J. Lalive D’Epinay. Geneva, Switzerland:
FRANK NUESSEL Centre for Interdisciplinary Gerontology,
University of Geneva, 1995. Pages 287–319.
NUESSEL, F. ‘‘The Depiction of Older Adults and
See also AGE DISCRIMINATION; IMAGES OF AGING; LITERA- Aging in Italian Proverbs.’’ Proverbium 17
TURE AND AGING; SOCIAL COGNITION. (2000a): 299–314.