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Lock, Stock, and Barrel: The Origins of American Gun Culture PDF

296 Pages·2018·9.67 MB·English
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LOCK, STOCK, AND BARREL LOCK, STOCK, AND BARREL The Origins of American Gun Culture CLAYTON E. CRAMER Copyright © 2018 by Clayton E. Cramer All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Cramer, Clayton E., author. Title: Lock, stock, and barrel : the origins of American gun culture / Clayton E. Cramer. Description: Santa Barbara, California : Praeger, [2018] | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017047557 (print) | LCCN 2017052714 (ebook) | ISBN 9781440860386 (eBook) | ISBN 9781440860379 (alk. paper) Subjects: LCSH: Firearms ownership—United States—History. | Firearms—United States—History. Classification: LCC HV8059 (ebook) | LCC HV8059 .C733 2018 (print) | DDC 683.400973—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017047557 ISBN: 978-1-4408-6037-9 (print) 978-1-4408-6038-6 (ebook) 22 21 20 19 18 1 2 3 4 5 This book is also available as an eBook. Praeger An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC ABC-CLIO, LLC 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 www.abc-clio.com This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America Contents Preface vii Acknowledgments xi A Note on Terminology xiii 1 Gun Culture in Colonial America, 1607–1775 1 2 Counting Gunsmiths: Methodological Problems 29 3 Colonial Gunsmiths and Manufacturers, 1607–1775 39 4 Repairing Guns during the Revolutionary War, 1775–1783 51 5 Gunmaking during the Revolutionary Era, 1775–1783 57 6 Gun Culture in the Early Republic, 1783–1846 87 7 Gun Manufacturing in the Early Republic, 1783–1846 121 8 F ederal Government Gun Contractors in the Early Republic, 1783–1846 125 9 S tate Militia Gun Contractors in the Early Republic, 1783–1846 137 10 H ow the American Gun Culture Changed the World, 1800–Present 143 11 The Myth of 19th-Century Gun Marketing 153 12 Postbellum Gun Culture, 1865–1930 165 13 Modern Gun Culture, 1930–Present 171 vi Contents Epilogue: American Gun Culture: Transformative and Still Kicking 185 Appendix A: Gunsmiths in Early America 187 Appendix B: Partial List of Government Arms Contracts 193 Appendix C: Glossary 197 Notes 201 Bibliography 255 Index 277 Preface For me, the most important novel of the 20th century was George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four. Its protagonist, Winston Smith, works for the Ministry of Truth, where Winston changes history books, and even old newspapers, so that the past is continually updated to reflect the ever-changing needs of the Party. “Day by day, and almost minute by minute, the past was brought up to date.”1 Revisionism, the revising of history, is not always bad. History does change as historians reexamine the evidence. But essential facts seldom change. Even history books published in 1918 agree with recent ones that President Abraham Lincoln was assassinated in 1865. Minor facts, and often theories for why events happened, get revised, often after the evidence in support of the new position becomes well established. This book is in part about some recent historical revisionism. While less dramatic than claiming President Lincoln enjoyed a well-deserved retirement in Springfield, Illinois, it is very close to the Ministry of Truth’s slogan: “He who controls the past controls the future. He who controls the present controls the past.” The question at the heart of this rapidly changing past is this: how recently did America’s gun culture develop? This book aims to demonstrate that the traditional, largely assumed view of America as a gun culture from its beginning is generally correct. The recent revisionist history is chiefly driven by the desires of political activists concerning gun control today. What is a “gun culture”? While lacking a universally accepted defini- tion, widespread private ownership and use of firearms, a belief that they have some significance beyond their immediate practical need, and the idea that one has a right to possess them certainly seems an adequate starting definition. By analogy, America in the 1960s was a “car culture.” viii Preface Traditionally, historians assumed that guns were always part of our culture, a consequence of a nation formed from a “howling wilderness,”2 a necessity in a place where hunting for food and defense against danger- ous animals, and sometimes hostile Indians, was needed. In the last two decades, revisionist historians have argued otherwise. In 1996, an Emory University professor of history, Michael A. Bellesiles, published an article in the Journal of American History3 and a subsequent book, Arming America: The Origins of a National Gun Culture (2000), that claimed that many long-cherished ideas about violence, guns, and the effective- ness of the militia in early America were incorrect. Bellesiles argued that guns were very scarce and tightly controlled in America before 1840, that there was essentially no civilian market for handguns before 1848, and that few Americans hunted.4 Initially, many academics responded with fawning reviews of this courageous attack on the “gun lobby” and its “distortion” of American history.5 Bellesiles’s book was eventually discredited for engaging in fraud. His summaries of probate inventories were clearly erroneous and often com- pletely fabricated. He listed sources in archives that did not exist or that he had never visited.6 At Emory University’s request, a blue-ribbon panel of historians examined the controversy. The committee’s comments made it clear that it did not believe Bellesiles’s responses. In many cases, the committee members were unable to find Bellesiles’s cited documents. Their conclu- sions included the following passage: But in one respect, the failure to clearly identify his sources, does move into the realm of “falsification,” which would constitute a violation of the Emory “Policies.” The construction of this Table implies a consistent, comprehensive, and intelligible method of gathering data. The reality seems quite the opposite. In fact, Pro- fessor Bellesiles told the Committee that because of criticism from other scholars, he himself had begun to doubt the quality of his probate research well before he published it in the Journal of Amer- ican History.7 Yet, the graphs produced from Bellesiles’s “probate inventories” were a large part of why that article, and the subsequent book, were initially regarded as groundbreaking and persuasive. Who argues with statistics? In response to the report Emory commissioned, Bellesiles resigned from his recently received tenured position, and Columbia University Preface ix revoked the Bancroft Prize it had awarded to Bellesiles for Arming America—an unprecedented event.8 My book Armed America (2006) did an adequate job of demon- strating that Bellesiles was not simply wrong, but he had deliberately misrepresented the facts: altering texts, making up texts, and massively misrepresenting his sources. His fellow academics for the most part never noticed because he told lies that led to a very limiting interpreta- tion of the Second Amendment with which they emotionally, and there- fore intellectually, agreed. Almost a decade later, I was astonished to see Bellesiles’s false claims rise from the grave, like a vampire not adequately staked. Pamela Haag’s study The Gunning of America (2015)9 argues, as had Bellesiles, that the American gun culture, and thus demand for guns, was created in the mid- 19th century and was the result of clever marketing by the newly formed mass production gun industry (primarily Colt Firearms and Winchester Repeating Arms). Haag asserts that the industry had created demand for a product that Americans neither wanted nor needed. She also claims that guns were so rare that they were not the primary murder weapon before 1860, according to an 1850s survey based on “eighty-five mur- ders . . . that were mentioned in popular books and pamphlets.”10 If guns were rare, and guns cause murder, this would be a plausible claim. We will later examine the evidence for this claim. Haag directly acknowledges that she believes Bellesiles’s claims about the scarcity of guns and gun culture were correct, and she appears to have no awareness that Bellesiles had been discredited. This book will explore the following questions: 1. Was gun ownership (and in consequence gun manufacturing and gunsmithing) rare before 1840? 2. Was the civilian market for pistols small or nonexistent before 1848? 3. How did gunsmithing (including gun manufacturing) develop in Colonial and Early Republic America? 4. What role did the gun manufacturing industry play in not only transforming American industry but also creating the modern industrial world across Western civilization? 5. Was American gun culture actually created by gunmakers through clever marketing? The answers to questions 1, 2, 3, and 5 are provided in the following pages, which will refute the revisionist claims concerning the origins of

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Revisionist historians argue that American gun culture and manufacturing are relatively recent developments. They further claim that widespread gun violence was largely absent from early American history because guns of all types, and especially handguns, were rare before 1848. According to these re
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