Living With Hitler: Liberal Democrats in the Third Reich

160 Pages·2009·8.41 MB·English

by  Eric Kurlander

LIVING WITH
HITLER
LIBERAL DEMOCRATS
IN THE THIRD REICH
ERIC KURLANDER
YALE UNI VERSI TY PRESS
NEW HAVEN AND L ONDON
To M on ika
Copyright © 2009 Eric Kurlander
All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in part, in any form
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Contents
List o f Illustrations v iii
Acknowledgements x
Note on Translations and Abbreviations xii
Introduction 1
CHAPTER ONE: “A Gift to Germany’s Future?”
The Liberal Resistance to Hitler 11
CHAPTER TW O: “Writing between the Lines”:
The Struggle for Liberal Ideals in Cultural
and Intellectual Life 47
CHAPTER THREE: “The Woman” in the Third Reich:
Gertrud Baumer, Social Policy, and the
Liberal Women’s Movement 81
CHAPTER FOUR: Hitler’s War?
Liberal Nationalism and Nazi Foreign Policy 114
CHAPTER FIVE: “Neither Jews nor Anti-Semites”:
The Liberal Answer to Hider’s “Jewish Question” 152
Conclusion 194
Notes 204
Bibliography 255
Index 284
Illustrations IX
10 D D P Womens leaders. Elisabeth Bronner-Hoepfner, Gertrud
Baumer, and Marie Baum, 1919 (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection:
0093681)
11 Marie Liiders, 1930 (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 0095984)
12 Friedrich Naumann delivering a speech against the Versailles Treaty
Illustrations
in 1919 a few months before his death (Bildarchiv Preussischer
Kulturbesitz: 30008698)
13 Gustav Stresemann and his bride Kathe (Kleefeld) Stresemann in
1903 around the time Stresemann left Friedrich Naumann’s National
Social movement (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 0097059)
14 Erich Koch-Weaser and Eugen Schiffer in 1919 (Ullstein Bild/
Granger Collection: 0095703)
15 Fritz Elsas, 1931 (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 0095695)
1 Steering Committee of the newly founded German State Party, 1930:
16 Reinhold and Gerta Maier voting in a 1950 plebiscite on merging
Gertrud Baumer, Hermann Dietrich, Alfred Weber, Hermann
Baden and Wiirttemberg into one state in the new Federal Republic
Hopker-Aschoff, Theodor Heuss, Hermann Fischer and Albert Jager
of Germany (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 0097056)
(Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz: 30022062)
2 Hermann Dietrich meeting British Prime Minister Ramsey
MacDonald with the liberal scientists Max Planck and Albert
Einstein (DDP) (1931) (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 0095993)
3 Ernst Jackh, Hjalmar Schacht, Otto Gessler, and Carl Petersen at the
eightieth birthday party of historian Hans Delbriick 1929 (Bildarchiv
Preussischer Kulturbesitz: 30017441)
4 Marianne Weber, 1920 (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 00275858)
5 Robert Bosch and Adolf Hitler at the international auto show in
Berlin, 1936 (Deutsches Historisches Museum: F66-27)
6 Wilhelm Kiilz, 1927 (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection: 0097053)
7 Theodor Heuss delivering a eulogy on the tenth anniversary of
Friedrich Naumann’s death, 1929 (Ullstein Bild/Granger Collection:
0095981)
8 Katharina von Kardorff-Oheimb and Siegfried von Kardorff with
their family, 1929 (Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz: 20005717)
9 Alfred Weber talking with his Heidelberg colleague, the liberal histo­
rian Hans von Eckardt at a sociological conference in Berlin (Ullstein
Bild/Granger Collection: 0095989)
Acknowledgements xi
Board Fund for Faculty Development and the munificence of the Alexander
von Humboldt Foundation (Humboldt-Stiftung). I am grateful to Mercedes
Barbon and Cacilia Nauderer of the Humboldt-Stiftung for their continuous
support and advice. Above all I am indebted to the Thyssen-Heideking
Fellowship Committee of the German Historical Institute, Washington,
DC, Christof Mauch in particular, for providing a generous residential
Acknowledgements
fellowship at the Anglo-American Institute of the University of Cologne,
where I completed the bulk of the writing. I would specifically like to thank
the Director of the Anglo-American Institute, Norbert Finzsch, a brilliant
scholar, fantastic host, and true Mensch, and his incomparable assistant Sigrid
Schneider. Finally, I would like to express my enduring gratitude to David
Blackbourn, Geoff Eley, Kevin O’Keefe, Charles Maier, Joachim
Scholtyseck, and Margaret Venzke for their unwavering support of the
project, whether in helping me obtain funding or in backing my application
for tenure and full-year sabbatical leave in 2007-2008, without which I could
It is a distinct pleasure to thank the many institutions and individuals who not have completed the research and writing of the manuscript.
made this book possible. Without the expert assistance of the archivists and A cursory glance at the bibliography reveals the extent to which this book
staff at the German Federal Archives I could never have assembled the is a collaborative intellectual effort. Even so, there are a few individuals who
archival research for this volume. I want to extend special thanks to Peter deserve special appreciation. First, my thanks go out to friends and colleagues
Franz, Antje Marke, and Eva Lanko at the Bundesarchiv Koblenz, who who perused various iterations of one or more chapters. These include Joel
made available thousands of personal papers and party documents, some­ Davis, Michael Denner, Jost Diilffer, Geoff Eley, Jurgen Froelich, Jay H.
times at few days’ notice, and provided numerous copies in less time. I owe Geller, Heide Marie Lauterer, David Meskill, Emily Mieras, A. Dirk Moses,
an enormous professional and intellectual debt to the wonderful libraries Bradley Naranch, and Angelika Schaser. Notable among these is Heather
of Harvard University, the University of Chicago, the University of McCallum of Yale University Press, who read multiple drafts of early
Freiburg, the University of Cologne, and the Prussian Cultural Foundation chapters with great enthusiasm and a keen eye for narrative. I cannot imagine
(Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Stiftung Preussischer Kulturbesitz), where I a more supportive, professional, or engaged editor. I am likewise grateful to
spent many months over the past six years obtaining the published primary the four “blind reviewers” whose feedback proved invaluable at every stage of
and secondary works on which this study is based. Equal thanks go out this project. Although it goes without saying that all errors are my own, this
to the Stetson University library, Susan Derryberry and Susan Ryan in is surely a better book for their input. I would also like to express my gratitude
particular, who located scores of hard to find books, microfiche, and articles to a number of scholars who invited me to present papers and publish articles
during the early stages of this project. I would like to express my gratitude culled from the project or provided important references to unpublished
also to our departmental secretaries Jennifer Certo and Jen Snyder, as well materials. These include Manuel Borutta, Kathleen Canning, Robert J.
as to four student research assistants, Jonathan Ballenger, Alexandria Culp, Catherine Epstein, Elke Froelich, Maura Henry, Peter Longerich,
Braswell, Richard Plavnieks and Vera Kuntz. I am also indebted to Anne Patricia Mazon, Guido Mueller, Kevin Passmore, Raffael Scheck, Joachim
Dorte Krause of the Photo Archive of the German Historical Museum Scholtyseck, Dennis Sweeney, Richard Wetzell, and Andreas Wirsching.
(Berlin), Norbert Ludwig of the Bildagenturfur Kunst, Kulturund Geschichte Finally, I would like to thank my family, especially my two beautiful
(Berlin), and Silka Quintero of the Granger Collection (New York) for children, Amelie and Kolya. They were born while I was writing this book
helping me to obtain suitable photographs in timely fashion. and have spent the better part of their young lives accompanying me to
The research for this book was made possible by four Stetson University Germany to see it through. No one deserves greater thanks than my wife
Summer Research grants, the Stetson College of Arts and Sciences Advisory Monika, whose love, patience, and painstaking editorial assistance made
this whole endeavor possible. I dedicate this book to her.
Note on Translations and Abbreviations Introduction
Wherever possible I have tried to refer to previously translated versions of i
German-language sources. All other translations are my own.
In November 1933, ten months after the Nazi seizure of power, the Nobel
In the text, notes, and index abbreviations appear for the first time
Prize-winning dramatist Gerhart Hauptmann wrote a poignant
alongside the term to which they refer: e.g. D ie F r ~u (.DF)\ Deutsche
Christmas greeting to the Jewish Democrat and liberal newspaper editor
Demokratische Partei (DDP); Reichsverband de* deutschen Presse
Theodor Wolff, already in exile in Lugano:
(RVDP). Thereafter the abbreviations are generally ;mployed.
Finally, in the interest of simplicity, I have chosen to dispense with Before this fateful year . . . comes to an end, may these salutations . . .
“University Press” in the notes and bibliography. Books published, for reach you and your dear and honorable wife. I am 70 and you are, I
example, by Harvard University Press or University of California Press believe, not far off. We have therefore endured nearly the same portion
appear with the citation “Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard” or “Berkeley: of German and World history, each in his own way, with the intention of
California” respectively.
doing good to the best of our ability . . . I don’t know how you think of
your work, but mine lies for most part behind me . . . I do not want to say
that I ’m tired, or even that I lack courage. But more than that, namely
that great courage belongs to the active life: that I no longer have.
W olff acknowledged Hauptmann’s melancholy state of mind, but hoped
the once revolutionary author of The Weavers might rouse himself to
provide the “new [German] youth” with an alternative vision to Hitler.1
W olff would be disappointed. Except for publishing a few lesser-known
plays and attending the occasional award ceremony, Hauptmann chose to
live out the Third Reich in silence and obscurity. A notable minority of
liberal democrats followed his lead, retreating into what some contempo­
raries called “inner emigration.”2 Others, like Wolff, emigrated outright,
as did Albert Einstein, the novelist Heinrich Mann, and the Nobel Peace
Prize winner Ludwig Quidde.J
2 L iv in g with Hitler Introduction 3
Because of these and similar stories, the impression remains that nearly Reich; even anti-Semitic beach resorts, tourism, and the lashion industry
all German Democrats fled their country or retreated to their homes at have had their day.11 This burgeoning interest in “everyday life” under
the first glimpse of jackboots. Yet foreign exile and “inner emigration” National Socialism has persisted in overlooking the liberals, however, the
were not the only choices facing liberals in the Third Reich. In contrast to one group that has come to define both the successes and the failures of
their Communist and Socialist counterparts, most Democrats escaped German democracy better than any other.12
arrest and persecution. Some even thrived under National Socialism. Certainly liberals do not fit neatly into the categories o f victims, perpe­
Although deprived of political office, the future President of the Federal trators, or bystanders. Despite their republican pedigree, liberal democrats
Republic, Theodor Heuss, and Germany’s leading feminist, Gertrud never suffered as profoundly as the Jews, Communists, and gypsies. Nor
Baumer, continued to edit prominent journals and to publish numerous were they generally complicit in the worst Nazi transgressions. But our
books and articles. Several Weimar Democrats, like Hitler’s Economics unflagging curiosity about the everyday lives of Germans in the Third
Minister Hjalmar Schacht, Joseph Goebbels’s press attache Werner Reich is not based solely on the degree of their collaboration or victim-
Stephan, and Rudolf Diels, Reinhard Heydrich’s predecessor as Chief of hood. It has more to do with a widespread awareness that the Third Reich
the Gestapo, experienced a career renaissance under Hitler.4 was the product of a liberal democracy not unlike the French Third
These liberals represent just a fraction of those bourgeois republicans Republic or contemporary United States. National Socialism was a mass
whose diverse paths reveal so much about the nature of social, political, political movement that employed modern techniques of campaigning,
and intellectual life in the Third Reich. Little attention has been paid to recruiting, and fund-raising. It took full advantage of a liberal civil society
the last chairman of the German Democratic Party, Hermann Dietrich, or and constitution that guaranteed free speech and assembly. Most impor­
to the eminent feminist and social reformer, Marie Elisabeth Luders. tantly, Hitler’s National Socialist German Worker’s Party (NSDAP) won
W hat of that powerful core of cosmopolitan liberals - some Jewish - who open, fair, and democratic elections against myriad other parties, which
nonetheless chose to weather the Nazi storm? Did all such men and virtually necessitated an invitation to form a government. It is the vulner­
women seek isolation over action, obscurity over accommodation? W hat ability, not the absence, o f liberal democracy in Germany that makes the
happened to individuals like Eugen Schiffer, Weimar’s Minister of Justice rise of National Socialism so disconcerting.
and also a Jew, or the last chairman of the Defense League against Anti- For this reason, nearly every new book on Hitler or the Holocaust
Sc^mism, Georg Gothein? Some liberals endorsed the regime; others presumes one basic question: how could the heirs to Kant, Beethoven, and
clearly opposed it.5 W hat were their motivations? How significant was Einstein support a party like the NSDAP? How could so many educated
their influence? In short, did German liberalism represent “an intellectual “liberal”-minded Germans be complicit in the twentieth century’s most
force that made it . . . in some part impossible for the National Socialists terrible crimes? Or, as the historians Konrad Jarausch and Larry Jones
to carry out their totalitarian designs”?6 have put it, “the interest o f American and British intellectuals” in the
This is an intriguing question, posed by one of Germany’s greatest collapse of German liberalism as well as in the rise of National Socialism
historians; strangely, few have chosen to address it.7 Initially, perhaps this “reflects their own anxiety about the implications of the Nazi experience
lack of interest owed something to the postwar sensitivities of the liberals for the viability of the liberal humanistic values at the heart of their own
themselves, who preferred not to revisit their uneven record of resistance.8 political culture.”13 Although it may be reassuring to dismiss National
Another explanation is the long academic tradition of blaming the Socialism as some peculiar outgrowth of the German national character,
German bourgeoisie, liberal and conservative alike, for the rise of National our extraordinary fascination with the Third Reich betrays an underlying
Socialism.9 Whatever the reason, the story of German liberalism in the presumption that something similar could happen to “us.”
Third Reich has yet to be told and there is no better time to tell it.10 The To appreciate the full gamut of liberal experience in the Third Reich we
public is more preoccupied than ever by the question of how “ordinary” must explore both continuities and disjunctures; resistance as well as
Germans could be taken in by Nazism. A plethora of recent books has collaboration; coercion but also consent. German liberalism was not only
touched on women and workers, artists and musicians, Catholics, the opponent and victim of National Socialism. It was in some ways
Protestants, youth groups, gypsies, Jews, and homosexuals in the Third Nazism’s ideological and sociological antecedent. The fact that liberalism
4 L iv in g with Hitler Introduction 5
could be both has significant implications for understanding the genesis of dependent on ordinary Germans’ willing participation. Nazi authorities
authoritarian regimes everywhere. By plumbing liberal motivations, by garnered much of their information, not from enthusiastic party members,
tracing their preoccupations, hopes, and fears, we might begin to glean but from disgruntled clients, spurned lovers, and snooping neighbors.20
how modern, liberal, democratic individuals, Germans who best exempli­ The Third Reich, in the words of Martin Broszat, was never a “monolithic
fied the middle-class progressivism of the Weimar Republic, negotiated, system of total power.” Rather, it is because norms and measures that were
resisted, and in some cases embraced elements o f what is widely regarded supposed to be followed could also be broken that “many liberals had a
as the most illiberal regime in modern history. In so doing, we might come choice of whether and to what degree to collaborate with the regime.”21
to understand better the character, complexity, and perhaps even the Still, as incomplete as Nazi totalitarianism may have been, when evalu­
contemporary allure of National Socialism. ating liberal non-conformity it is crucial to keep in mind Detlev Peukert’s
pregnant assertion that “each criticism related only to a clearly defined
individual case and did not vitiate a person’s assent to other policies of the
II
regime.” “Even an uncompromising political resister had to make compro­
The very range of challenges confronting Democrats in the Third Reich mises in daily life,” Peukert continues, “if only to camouflage his illegal
compels us to move beyond traditional categories like resistance ( Widerstand) work. But each confrontation . . . not only raised the tactical problem of
and collaboration {Kollaboration).14 More useful in this regard are concepts whether to accede or hold out, but posed the fundamental dilemma that
such as “passive resistance” (.Resistenz), “non-conformity” (Verweigerung), and consent to the regime in toto consisted in any case precisely in taking a
“accommodation” (.Anpassung). Resistenz refers to those individuals or groups large number of similar small steps of compliance.”22 Collaboration and
who passively “withstood” rather than actively combated the social and resistance; accommodation and non-conformity, were two sides of the
political “disease” that was National Socialism.15 Some have also used the same coin. Even though liberal democrats disagreed with National
term Verweigerung,, which literally means “refusal,” to distinguish passive Socialism on some levels, they exhibited indifference, even enthusiasm for
resistance - for example, factory workers expending minimal effort due to the regime on others.23
inflationary pressures on wages - from more conscious and systematic but
equally non-violent acts of non-conformity, such as employing a Jewish
Ill
secretary or publishing articles critical of Nazi economic policy.16
Here we need simply apply the same broad definitions of non-conformity So who are the liberal democrats? This question is more difficult to answer
that have been used to reconstruct the lives of Jews, Catholics, and workers than one might think. Germany has a long and indelible liberal tradition,
over the last twenty-five years. For, as the Gestapo itself noted in 1935, “in extending back to the eighteenth century. But unlike the British Liberals or
[liberal] bourgeois circles . . . a discernible lack of engagement if not even French Radical Socialists, German liberals experienced multiple national
veiled opposition has taken root, which expresses itself in the refusal to and regional permutations in the six decades between the foundation of the
answer with a German greeting [Hitler salute] and further in the efforts to German Empire in 1871 and the collapse of the Weimar Republic in 1933.
differentiate oneself and keep ‘amongst themselves.’ ”17 Taking up arms or In the period leading up to German unification there was one major liberal
plotting to assassinate Hitler was not the only means of undermining the party, the National Liberals (Nationalliberalen or NLP), which garnered the
Third Reich.18 There were countless other ways, less dramatic but more most seats in the first Imperial Reichstag. It was flanked by a smaller but
common, of resisting National Socialism. By extending the lens of everyday not insignificant left liberal Progressive Party (Deutsche Fortschrittspartei
history, of resistance with a lower case “r,” to liberal democrats we might or DFP).
locate the real limits of free speech and action, coercion and consent.19 Over the course of the 1870s many National Liberals became disen­
At the same time we need to recognize that voluntary accommodation chanted with Chancellor Otto von Bismarck’s imperialist foreign and protec­
played at least as great a role as terror and coercion in perpetuating Hitler’s tionist economic policies, seceding from the NLP to form the Liberal Union
rule. From Gestapo surveillance to the coordination of the Churches to (Liberale Vereinigung or LibVg). In 1884 the LibVg merged with the DFP
the persecution of the Jews, the success of Nazi policies was almost always to create the German “Freethinking” or Radical Party (Deutsche Freisinnige
6 L iv in g with Hitler Introduction 1
Partei). The new party was devoutly liberal, promoting free trade, civil rights, political landscape.40 This rich web of personal and professional relation­
and the separation of church and state. But long-simmering differences over ships, extending back two or three decades before 1933, makes the idea of
military and social spending divided the Radicals in 1893, with one wing collective biography all the more attractive.41
forming the free-trading Radical Peoples Party (Freisinnige Volkspartei or Nevertheless, while this book concentrates on individuals who were
FrVp) and another the more imperialist Radical Union (Freisinnige explicitly affiliated with the left liberal German Democratic Party, it
Vereinigung or FrVg), which incorporated Friedrich Naumanns National makes sense occasionally to introduce a “catholic definition of liberalism”
Social Union (NSV) in 1903. Only in 1910, due to Naumanns exhaustive that takes into account the liberal “cultural attitudes, social practices, and
efforts, did the two factions coalesce to form the Progressive Peoples Party economic principles that resonated throughout German life.”42 This
(Fortschrittliche Volkspartei or FVP).24 sometimes means including members of Gustav Stresemann’s right liberal
After the collapse of the German Empire and foundation of the Weimar German People’s Party (Deutsche Volkspartei or DVP). Most o f the DVP
Republic in November 1918, Naumann and the FVP leadership invited preferred a monarchy to a republic, and some were privately uncomfort­
all democratically inclined National Liberals to join them, creating the able with equal rights for Jews and other minorities. But the DVP gener­
German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei or DDP). ally agreed with the D D P on many aspects o f domestic and foreign policy.
Given the FV P’s heterogeneous history, not to mention the influx of There were also moderate DVP leaders, like Stresemann himself, Werner
National Liberals, the D D P represented a diverse constellation of rival von Rheinbaben, and Siegfried and Katharina von Kardorff, who would
liberal traditions. The party was dominated by a welfare-oriented left wing have felt perfectly at home in the D D P under different circumstances.
in the Naumannite tradition, which was frequently at odds with a smaller Conversely, there were a number of bourgeois Progressives with close ties
but influential low-tax, free trading “right wing.” The D D P was farther to Naumann, including Rudolf Breitscheid and Anton Erkelenz, who
divided between aggressive nationalists, who wanted a rapid revision of the eventually joined the Socialists (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands
Versailles Treaty, and moderate internationalists who counseled patience or SPD) because they disapproved of the ethnic nationalism that pervaded
and understanding in restoring Germany’s proper place in the world.25
the left liberal ranks.43
Despite these ideological permutations, the D D P was the party of Finally, insofar as they corresponded with or visited Reich colleagues,
liberal democracy. Its leaders played a decisive role in writing the Weimar liberals in exile are likewise relevant. But to concentrate attention on them
constitution,26 restoring the German economy,27 stabilizing the Weimar would unduly complicate and dilute our endeavor. Liberal emigres were
justice system,28 reorganizing the police,29 rebuilding the military,30 and often Jews, pacifists, or clearly specified “enemies of the Reich” (e.g.
developing a foreign policy of peaceful revision.31 The D D P also included Theodor Wolff, Georg Bernhard, or Hellmut von Gerlach) who risked
many of Germany’s most influential publicists,32 intellectuals,33 femi­ arrest or even murder if they remained. Nor did self-imposed exiles (e.g.
nists,34 and a Nobel Peace Prize winner.35 To be sure, the D D P ’s very Heinrich Mann, Wilhelm Abegg) face the same choices, circumstances, or
diversity pulled the party in many directions. By 1930 it had hemorrhaged constraints as liberals within the Reich. Since there were few opportunities
millions of votes and lost a few of its most prominent leaders to the left,36 for liberal emigres to resist, much less accommodate, the regime, their
right,37 and to early retirement.38 Still, the Democrats expressed the stories tell us little about the nature of everyday life in the Third Reich.
strongest and most uncompromising traditions of German liberalism and
invariably upheld the republican constitution.
IV
Liberal Democrats were more than party colleagues. They practiced
similar professions, belonged to kindred social networks, and emerged On the eve of the First World War, the Wilhelmine liberal, later Socialist
from the same generational cohort.39 They held degrees and teaching and eventually Weimar-era Nazi Max Maurenbrecher wrote to his friend
appointments from common universities and contributed books and arti­ Friedrich Naumann that the “preconditions for . . . creating a left Bloc in
cles to the same publishers. They were friends, relatives, husbands and the real sense of the word . . . are still not present.” “Whether one joins the
wives, even lovers. Many Democrats would later remark on the excep­ National Liberals, the other the Social Democrats and the third the
tional intimacy among party members, rare in Weimar’s turbulent Progressives,” Maurenbrecher complained, “it could well take at least
8 L iv in g with Hitler Introduction 9
another two decades until one can attempt successfully to go before the At the same time, however, some historians have normalized German
masses with a national-social slogan. Perhaps a foreign war . . . would history to the point where such continuities, to the extent they are
essentially hasten this development.”44 Given that Hitler seized power acknowledged, are deemed “no more distinctive than the routes [liberal]
behind a “national-social” slogan exactly two decades later, after a reformers in other industrializing countries took past the same land­
so-called “foreign war,” and drew his support primarily from erstwhile marks.”51 One cannot have it both ways. No matter how severe the effect
liberal voters, Maurenbrecher’s observation appears prescient. of the First World War and Weimar’s ensuing crises, the more we insist
One might be tempted to write off such predictions as the wishful upon Germany’s social, political, and economic similarities with Great
thinking of a particularly idiosyncratic liberal if not for the fact that Britain or France, the more we have to look to differences in ideology and
Maurenbrecher’s former colleagues and future political opponents, Rudolf political culture to explain the disparity in outcomes. The most obvious
Breitscheid and Hellmut von Gerlach, agreed. The “right overwhelmed distinction in this regard is the profoundly racialist (volkisch) “National-
the left in the Progressive camp,” they adduced shortly before the First Social” discourse running through Germany’s left liberal circles: what I
World War, as left liberals came to accept a “Chauvinistic militarism call “volkisch liberalism.”52
[that] endangers the peace and security of peoples.” True progressives I f liberals propagated an increasingly racist vision of national identity
would have to fight not only against the “Conservatives, Anti-Semites, after 1890, one which they shared with Germans across the political
and the [Catholic] Center, but also against a liberalism which does not spectrum,53 they nevertheless retained an overarching belief in bourgeois
deserve its name.”45 Maurenbrecher, Breitscheid, and Gerlach ended up individualism, the sanctity of the “constitutional state” (Rechtsstaat), and a
on very different sides of the Weimar political spectrum. Yet their like- “social market” economy that included substantial investments in health
minded observations, as early as two decades before the Nazi seizure of care, education, and unemployment insurance. Nazism, moreover, was
power, remind us that Naumannite left liberalism and National Socialism never merely a radically conservative movement backed by middle-class
were not as ideationally distinct as one might suppose.46 Indeed, in the reactionaries. It contained socially progressive elements not so different in
early 1930s individuals as disparate as Adolf Hitler, Theodor Heuss, and practice from the program of the left liberals. The NSDAP made a
Gertrud Baumer would comment on the N SD AP’s intellectual debt to strategic alliance with right-wing German Nationalists (DNVP) after 1928
Naumann’s National-Social movement.47 for largely the same reasons that the left liberals joined the Conservatives
The ideological affinities between German left liberalism and National in 1907 or 1924: a nationalist foreign policy combined with a shared
Socialism do not presuppose the political immaturity or inherent conser­ antipathy to revolutionary Marxism. Conversely, in their social reformism
vatism of the German bourgeoisie.48 There was no “special path” and antipathy to agrarian and industrial elites, the Nazis had more in
(■Sonderweg) from the alleged failure of the (liberal) middle classes to common with left liberal Democrats than with right-wing conservatives.
carry out a successful “bourgeois revolution” in the nineteenth century to That is why, for many Democrats in 1933, National Socialism appeared not
their support for National Socialism in the 1930s.49 My point o f depar­ as the terrifying behemoth it would later become, but as an admittedly
ture has more in common with those who argue that German liberalism demagogic, authoritarian perversion of Naumannite left liberalism.54
declined because of the sheer number of crises suffered by the Weimar
Republic after 1918. The very social and cultural extremes of German
V
modernity, from escalating class conflict and demographic explosion to
rapid industrialization and the urban-rural divide, played a decisive role in This book makes four main claims. First, that there were certain ideolog­
undermining the viability of laissez-faire liberalism even before the First ical continuities between German left liberalism and National Socialism
World War. The ensuing polarization and militarization of German poli­ that made political accommodation - and in some cases collaboration -
tics and society, not to mention the negative impact of the Versailles with the regime more attractive than one might expect. Second, and
Treaty, Socialist and Communist revolutions, hyperinflation, and the related, is the fact that these affinities were not necessarily reactionary, but
Great Depression, were at least as important in undermining German often “progressive” in nature. Whether one is discussing the Nazi attitude
democracy as any latent continuities between liberalism and Nazism.50 towards science and technology, the separation of church and state, social