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Living apart together - Policy Exchange PDF

101 Pages·2007·1.3 MB·English
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PX radical islam cover (HDS).qxp 29/01/2007 17:35 Page 1 Britain’s Muslims are a community under scrutiny. Islam as a religion is practiced peacefully by the UK’s 1.6m Muslims, but there is widespread concern about the growing popularity of Islamism; a political ideology that aims to create a state and society in strict conformity with religious doctrine. This has coincided with a rise in religiosity amongst some younger Muslims, who are more likely than their parents to hold strict religious views, express anti-Western attitudes, and identify not with Britain but with the global Muslim community – the ummah. This report draws on extensive new opinion research conducted Living apart among Britain’s Muslim population. It argues that instead of looking abroad to the Muslim world for explanations of these phenomena, we should examine the influence of political and together cultural trends within British society over the past two decades. In particular, the doctrine of multiculturalism, with its stress on ‘difference’ and victimisation, has encouraged the growth of a British Muslims and strident Muslim identity in the public realm. This approach has the paradox of multiculturalism also masked the true diversity of attitudes and experiences within the British Muslim population. In order to address the rise of Islamism, the authors argue, we need to abandon the corrosive policies of multiculturalism and develop a sense of national identity and shared values capable of inspiring a younger generation. Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran and Zein Ja’far £10.00 ISBN 1-906097-02-X ISBN 13: 978-1-906097-02-8 Policy Exchange Clutha House 10 Storey’s Gate London SW1P 3AY www.policyexchange.org.uk Think Tank of the Year 2006/2007 Living apart together Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran and Zein Ja’far Policy Exchange Living apart together British Muslims and the paradox of multiculturalism Munira Mirza, Abi Senthilkumaran and Zein Ja'far Policy Exchange is an independent think tank whose mission is to develop and promote new policy ideas which will foster a free society based on strong communities, personal freedom, limited government, national self-confidence and an enterprise culture. Registered charity no: 1096300. Policy Exchange is committed to an evidence-based approach to policy development. We work in partnership with aca- demics and other experts and commission major studies involving thorough empirical research of alternative policy out- comes. We believe that the policy experience of other countries offers important lessons for government in the UK. We also believe that government has much to learn from business and the voluntary sector. Trustees Charles Moore (Chairman of the Board), Theodore Agnew, Richard Briance, Camilla Cavendish, Iain Dale, Richard Ehrman, Robin Edwards, George Robinson, Tim Steel, Alice Thomson, Rachel Whetstone. About the authors Munira Mirza writes and broadcasts about Abi Senthilkumaran is a research associate race, culture and identity. In 2005 she pre- at Policy Exchange. She is currently study- sented the BBC Radio 4 series, The ing for an Msc in Social Policy Research Business of Race, and she edited a collection Methods at the LSE, having completed her of essays for Policy Exchange entitled undergraduate studies in PPE at Oxford Culture Vultures: Is UK arts policy damaging University. the arts?. She is currently doing a PhD at the University of Kent which examines Zein Ja'far is a research associate at Policy local cultural strategies in the UK. She is a Exchange. He is doing an Msc in Near and founding member of the Manifesto Club Middle Eastern Studies at the School of (www.manifestoclub.com). Oriental and African Studies. © Policy Exchange 2007 Published by Policy Exchange, Clutha House, 10 Storey’s Gate, London SW1P 3AY www.policyexchange.org.uk ISBN 10: 1-906097-02-X ISBN 13: 978-1-906097-02-8 Printed on 100% recycled paper Printed by Heron, Dawson and Sawyer Designed by 7A, Contents Executive summary 5 Part 1 1 Introduction 11 2 The emergence of Muslim consciousness in Britain 20 Part 2 3 Identification and belonging 37 4 Cultural attitudes 45 5 Foreign policy and the ummah 54 6 Victimhood 64 7 Who speaks for Muslims? 79 Part 3 8 Reflections on policy 87 Bibliography 96 www.policyexchange.org.uk • 3 Terminology There is sometimes disagreement and ideology that aims to create a state and confusion over the use of terminology society in strict conformity with religious relating to Muslims and Islam. To clarify, doctrine. Most British Muslims – even this report makes a distinction between those who are devout – are not Islamists. 'Islam' as a religion practiced by Muslims Likewise, we make a distinction between worldwide, and 'Islamism', 'radical Islamists and Islamist terrorists. Many Islam' or 'Islamic fundamentalism', Islamists reject the use of terrorism to which are terms that refer to a political achieve their goals. 4 Executive Summary This report explores the attitudes of � 59% of Muslims would prefer to live Muslims in Britain today and the reasons under British law, compared to 28% why there has been a significant rise in who would prefer to live under sharia Islamic fundamentalism amongst the law. 37% of 16-24 year olds prefer sharia younger generation. It argues that the compared to 17% of 55+ year olds. growth of Islamism in the UK is not � 36% of 16-24 year olds believe if a solely a foreign problem, but something Muslim converts to another religion that must be understood in relation to they should be punished by death, political and social trends that have compared to 19% of 55+ year olds. emerged in British society over the past � 7% “admire organisations like Al-Qaeda two decades. It also examines the impact that are prepared to fight the West’. 13% of public policy on the Muslim popula- of 16-24 year olds agreed with this state- tion and suggests that the way the ment compared to 3% of 55+ year olds. Government is responding to Islamism is � 74% of 16-24 year olds would prefer making things worse not better. Muslim women to choose to wear the Our research into the attitudes of veil, compared to only 28% of 55+ year Muslims in Britain showed that there is a olds. growing religiosity amongst the younger generation of Muslims. They feel that they have less in common with non-Muslims The majority of Muslims feel they have as much, if not than do their parents and they show a “ stronger preference for Islamic schools and more, in common with non-Muslims in Britain as with sharia law. Religiosity amongst younger Muslims abroad ” Muslims is not about following their par- ents’ cultural traditions, but rather, their interest in religion is more politicised. There is a greater stress on asserting one’s However, there is also considerable diversi- identity in the public space, for example, ty amongst Muslims, with many adopting by wearing the hijab. a more secular approach to their religion. The majority of Muslims feel they have as � 86% of Muslims feel that “my religion much, if not more, in common with non- is the most important thing in my life”. Muslims in Britain as with Muslims � 62% of 16-24 year olds feel they have abroad. There is clearly a conflict within as much in common with non- British Islam between a moderate majority Muslims as Muslims, compared to that accepts the norms of Western democ- 71% of 55+ year olds. racy and a growing minority that does not. � 60% of Muslims would prefer to send For these reasons, we should be wary of their children to a mixed state school, treating the entire Muslim population as a compared to 35% who would prefer to monolith with special needs that are differ- send their child to an Islamic school. ent to the rest of the population. There is a clear age difference. 37% of 16-24 year olds preferred to send their � 21% of Muslims have consumed alco- children to Islamic state schools, com- hol. 65% have paid interest on a nor- pared to 25% of 45-54 year olds and mal mortgage. 19% have gambled. 9% 19% of 55+ year olds. have admitted to taking drugs. www.policyexchange.org.uk • 5 Living apart together � 59% of Muslims feel they have as much, al policies implemented since the 1980s, if not more, in common with non- which have emphasised difference at the Muslims in the UK as with Muslims expense of shared national identity and abroad. divided people along ethnic, religious and cultural lines. Islamist groups have gained Our research shows that the rise of Islamism influence at local and national level by play- is not only a security problem, but also a cul- ing the politics of identity and demanding tural problem. Islamism is strongly coloured for Muslims the ‘right to be different’. The by anti-Western ideas. Yet, these views are not authorities and some Muslim groups have exclusive to Muslims and can also be found in exaggerated the problem of Islamophobia, wider society. There has also been a weaken- which has fuelled a sense of victimhood ing of older collective identities, notably the amongst some Muslims. undermining of Britishness and the decline of working class politics, which has led to a feel- � Despite widespread concerns about ing of disengagement amongst young people Islamophobia, 84% of Muslims believe more generally. Some Muslims are therefore they have been treated fairly in this turning to religion as part of a search for society. meaning and community. They increasingly � 28% of Muslims believe that authori- look to the abstract and global ummah. ties in Britain go over the top in trying not to offend Muslims. We asked them to give their opinion about the actions of authorities in two different scenar- “ The authorities and some Muslim groups have ios. 75% believe it was wrong for a exaggerated the problem of Islamophobia, which has local council to have banned an adver- fuelled a sense of victimhood amongst some Muslims tisement for a Christmas carol service ” in 2003 for fear it would cause ten- sions. 64% believed it was wrong for a council to have banned all images of � 41% named foreign policy as an pigs from its offices (on calendars, toys, important issue to Muslims but they etc) in 2005, for the reason that they are not necessarily more informed or might offend Muslims’ feelings. engaged than the wider population. Only 18% of Muslims could name the Paradoxically, Government policies to president of the Palestinian National improve engagement with Muslims makes Authority and only 14% could name things worse. By treating Muslims as a the Prime Minister of Israel. homogenous group, the Government fails � 58% believe that “many of the prob- to see the diversity of opinions amongst lems in the world today are a result of Muslims, so that they feel more ignored arrogant western attitudes” – 30% of and excluded. the general population agrees. � 37% believe that “One of the benefits of � When asked to name an organisation modern society is the freedom to criticise that represented their views as a Muslim, other people’s religious or political views, only 6% named the Muslim Council of even when it causes offence”. 29% of the Britain. 51% felt no Muslim organisa- general population believes the same. tion represented their views. � 75% believe there is more diversity and The emergence of a strong Muslim identity disagreement within the Muslim popu- in Britain is, in part, a result of multicultur- lation than other people realize. 6 Executive summary We argue that the Government has to change confidence in British society. Islamism is its policy approach towards Muslims. It only one expression of a wider cultural should stop emphasising difference and problem of self-loathing and confusion in engage with Muslims as citizens, not through the West. One way to tackle this is to their religious identity. The ‘Muslim commu- bring to an end the institutional attacks nity’ is not homogenous, and attempts to on national identity – the counterproduc- give group rights or representation will only tive cancellation of Christmas festivities, alienate sections of the population further. the neurotic bans on displays of national People should be entitled to equal treatment symbols, and the sometimes crude anti- as citizens in the public sphere, with the free- Western bias of history lessons – which dom to also enjoy and pursue their identities can create feelings of defensiveness and in the private sphere. The authorities should resentment. We should allow people to also try to present a more realistic and bal- express their identity freely and in a cli- anced picture of disadvantage and discrimi- mate of genuine tolerance. At the same nation in the UK, as ‘victim politics’ can con- time, we must also recognize that the tribute to a sense of alienation. We should Government and policy-makers cannot also recognise that the negative effects of address this sense of disengagement alone. multiculturalism are particularly acute for We need to work together, as a society, to Muslims, but are also experienced by many develop a renewed sense of collectivity other minority groups. that asserts our shared British identity and More generally, we need to revive a Western values in a way that will inspire sense of direction, shared purpose and the younger generation. www.policyexchange.org.uk • 7 Part 1

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