Limbu nous autres and First Person morphology

10 Pages·0.167 MB·Nepali-English

by  Michailovsky Boyd.

preprint, Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 24.1:145-156 (spring 2001)
special issue: Person and evidence in Himalayan languages, part 2
corrected in accordance with errata: LTBA 24:2:255 (autumn 2001)
LIMBU NOUS AUTRES AND 1ST PERSON MORPHOLOGY1
Boyd Michailovsky
Lacito/CNRS, Paris
In a number of Eastern Kiranti languages, verb forms for 1st person patient
scenarios have been replaced, in some cases optionally, by a construction in
which a word for “man” represents the 1st person patient, and the verb form lacks
the usual 1st person markers to index the object. This micro-areal phenomenon
has been described by Ebert (1991:86-88; 1994:28-29) and named “impersonal
1st person patient marking”. The precise extent of such marking, its integration
into the verbal morphology, and the particular morphemes used vary from
language to language. I will discuss this phenomenon in the Maiwa-Mewa Khola
dialect, with reference to Limbu 1st person marking in general, including some
evidence from the notes of Brian Hodgson (see accompanying article).
In Limbu, two morphemes are used in this construction: yapmi and napmi.
It is not entirely clear from the sources if these form a doublet in all dialects, but
this appears to be the case in the dialect of the Maiwa and Mewa Khola valleys
(MM) on which I did fieldwork in 1987-88; they will not be distinguished here.
Their uses fall into two categories: (1) as an independent quasi-pronoun meaning
‘a person, someone, someone else’, and (2) as a 1st person patient marker. I will
begin with the first use, of which the second appears to be a grammaticalized
extension.
Independent yapmi
Table 1 shows the definitions of yapmi and napmi in the available Limbu
dictionaries and vocabularies. The definitions center around Nepali mìnche and
English ‘man, person’, but Subba and van Driem both cite the meaning ‘other,
someone else’. In fact, there is another Limbu word (possibly of Indo-Aryan
origin), mÁna, glossed ‘man, human being’ by Subba, which is used when definite
reference (‘that man’), or reference to the quality of a person as a human being
(‘what kind of man’, example (1) below) is intended. This word appears also in
the examples and texts of Weidert and Subba (e.g. 1985:121), van Driem, and the
LSI, sources in which I have found only one example (see note 2 below) of
independent yapmi~napmi, apart from van Driem’s vocabulary entry. Example
(1) is the only example in my materials in which yapmi functions as transitive A.
It is marked in the ergative case. In this respect it does not look like a pronoun,
since pronouns in Limbu do not take case markers:

1 Abbreviations: CTR counter-expectancy; DF definite; ERGative; EMPHatic; INFinitive; INSTru-
mental; NEGative; NOMinalizer; PAst; PLural; PResent; PV preverb; Question; REFLexive; TOPic.
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H. A. R.. Senior (1908): Man: mané; yapmí; generic yapmísí [i.e. ‘person.PL, man.PL’].
I. S. Chemjong (n.d. ?1960): yìpmó man; yìpmó khumì to kidnap [i.e. ‘man to.steal’],
yìpmó phoÙmì, to agitate [i.e. ‘man to.rouse’], yìpmó keseppì, murderer [i.e.
‘man killer’], etc.
nìpmó man.
A. Weidert and B. Subba (1985): [neither form is in the vocabulary; yapmi appears in
verb conjugations].
G. van Driem (1987:477,545): yaÊpmi see naÊpmi.
naÊpmi n. man.
naÊpmi pro. 1) someone else, other; 2) first person patient in 2→1 forms.
B. B. Subba (1989): yapmi man, person;
napmi other person. [in Nepali, both are glossed mìnis ‘person, man’.]
Khel Raj Yonghang (1995): yapmi mìnis [Nep. ‘person, man’, p. 58].
napmi mìnis [p. 127].
Table 1: yapmi in dictionaries of Limbu
(1) “abhedaÑba mÁna-si” yapmi-llÀ ammÀt [J4:10]
what.kind person-3PL.PNother-ERG say.PR.3p→1pi
Others will wonder what kind of people we are.
In my other examples, yapmi is used as a possessive modifier, ‘someone
else’s’, without genitive case marking2. The possessed noun does not bear the
usual 3rd person possessive prefix (ku-, etc.); apparently yapmi has this function:
(2) yo yapmi him-thikk-Àtmu tyÀaÑ… [Hb5:50]
below other house-one-in arrive.PA.1s
I arrived at someone’s house down below.
(3) “lo! theaÑ i~mÀkheksu” pha “kha-n ÀmphÀllÀ ni?”
hey why PV~tie.3p→3 COMP that-DF like.this EMPH
– “napmi himdaÑm'-Àn mu taËru khunÀ” [A59]
– other wife-DF CTR bring.3s→3s he
“Hey! Why did they tie him up like this?” – “He took another man’s wife!”
The possessive construction in (2) and (3) is that of a pronoun. Compare, for
example, khunchi him ‘theird house’ with the full nominal construction:
(4) kuÑ-gwa-rÀ ku-him-mu ‘at his uncle’s house’
3s-uncle-GEN 3s-house-LOC
There is one curious use of yapmi as a relational noun: ku-yapmi ‘his/her
spouse’, reminiscent of English other or (especially) significant other. I did not
record yapmi as representing an indefinite in expressions like Chemjong’s
‘murderer’, etc. (table 1), except in one compound, napmi-sokma ‘index finger’

2 But cf. van Driem's example (1987:45) naÊpmi-rÀ-n (other-GEN-DF) ‘someone else’s’.
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[“other-pointer”]. Often, as has been remarked in other Kiranti languages, the
indefinite person is represented by the 1st person inclusive, for example in a-mu-
mu-ba [1.incl-poison-poison-NOM] ‘poisonous’ [lit. ‘which poisons uspi’] or a-tuk
[1.incl-be.ill] ‘one gets ill, you get ill’.
The above are essentially the only examples I recorded of independent
yapmi. In all it functions as a kind of indefinite quasi-pronoun ‘someone,
someone else’, while mÁna serves as the full noun ‘person, man’. (In Nepali, the
noun mìnche can be used in both senses.) I suspect this is the case in other Limbu
dialects as well. Note, however, that the same word yapmi in Athpare and in
Yamphu, languages closely related to Limbu, is clearly a full noun ‘person, man’
(Ebert 1997, Rutgers 1998:95).
1st person object yapmi
The other use of yapmi is as a 1st person non-singular object pronoun. In
this construction, the transitive verb has what looks like an intransitive form
because it shows no object agreement (unless one takes yapmi itself as an
agreement marker): it bears neither of the 1st person markers a- or -igÀ nor the
3rd person person object-marking suffix -u. This is the only condition under
which a transitive verb has the indicative form PA-À, the regular 3rd person past
for intransitives (table 2). Only past stem forms have been recorded in the Maiwa-
Mewa dialect.
In the Maiwa-Mewa and Phedappe dialects, this construction coexists with
the more common regular finite transitive indicative forms, which have personal
agreement affixes showing agreement with the 1st person non-singular object,
often in the same sentence:
(5) anigÀ nurik mÀmÀttigÀ-aÑ cißßhó yapmi mÀhaktÀ [K14]
wepe well do.3p→1pe-and letter us send.3p
They treated us well and they sent us letters.
[cf. (anigÀ) mÀhaktigÀ ‘they sent to uspe’].
In the following, the second object phudoÑ intervenes between yapmi and
the verb, something which would be impossible with the prefixed pronominal
agreement markers a-, kÀ-, mÀ-. Note the impersonal form mÀbÀrÀ, past in form,
in parallel with the non-past personal form amÀmbinÀn.
(6) anigÀ ammuËt mÀËnn-i?ammuËttÀ-aÑ khunchi ni
uspe call.PR.3p→1pi no-Q call.PA.3p→1pi-and they EMPH
yapmi phudoÑ mÀbÀrÀ phÁgÁrÁ allÁ ani-aÑ kÁ
us gift give.3p if now wepi-also TOP
egaÑ uËtmasiÑ uhi khan purai pimasi poksÀ…
after call.INF.PL that.same that fully give.INF.PL become.PA.3s
khunchi khann-Àn amÀmbinÀn phÁgÁrÁ… [K151,154]
they that-DF give.PR.3p→1pi.NEG if
They call us, right? If they call uspi and give us gifts, then later wepi too
must call them and give them fully the same… But if they don’t give uspi
gifts …
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Transitive: O →
↓A 1s 1di 1de 1pi 1pe
1s
KEY:
1di In each cell, the non-past form appears over the past, where they are distinct.
PR = present stem
1de
PA = past stem
1pi N represents a nasal morphophoneme, homorganic with the stem-final;
realized as a glottal stop or hiatus after a vowel.
1pe
kÀ-PR-Na
2s
kÀ-PA-aÑ
akÀ-PR
2d
akÀ-PA-À
2p
PR-Na a-PR-si PR-sigÀ a-PR
3s PA-igÀ
PA-aÑ a-PA-Àsi PA-ÀsigÀ a-PA-À
3d
mÀ-PR-Na am-PR-si mÀ-PR-sigÀ am-PR
mÀ-PA-igÀ
mÀ-PA-aÑ am-PA-Àsi mÀ-PA-ÀsigÀ am-PA-À
3p
Intransitive: S →
PR-Na a-PR-si PR-sigÀ a-PR
PA-igÀ
PA-aÑ a-PA-Àsi PA-ÀsigÀ a-PA-À
Reflexive: S →
PR-NasiÑÑa a-PR-nÀsi PR-nÀsigÀ a-PR-Nasi PR-NasigÀ
Table 2: Maiwa-Mewa Khola affirmative indicative verb paradigm.
Transitive Intrans. Reflexive
↓A/S O →1S 1D/P 3S 3D/P — —
2S PA-aÑÑÀ PA-À PA-À PR-siÑÑÀ
2D a-PA-À PA-ÀsÀ PA-ÀsÀ PR-nÀsÀ
2P a-PA-innÀ PA-ammÀ PA-ams(imm)À PA-innÀ PR-NasinnÀ
Table 3: Mewa Khola affirmative imperatives
(7) him-mu pa-ma-rÀ-aÑ napmi mÀndÁrÀn kusiÑ
house-infather-mother-ERG-alsous scold.3p.NEG PV
mÀnniËttun. ÀmbhÀllÀ kÁ khÀni kÁ kÀipsi kÀdÀi-aÑ kÁ. [K243]
know.3p→3.NEG so TOP youp TOP sleep.2parrive.2p-and TOP
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Transitive: O →
↓A 2s 2d 2p 3s 3d 3p
1s PR-nÀ PR-nÀsiÑ PR-(nÀ)niÑ PA-uÑ PA-uÑsiÑ
a-PR-su a-PR-susi
1di
a-PA-usi
PR-nÀsigÀ
PR-sugÀ PR-susigÀ
1de
PA-usigÀ
1pi a-PA-um PA-umsim
PR-NasigÀ (PR-nÀsigÀ)
1pe PA-umbÀ PA-umsigÀ
2s kÀ-PA-u kÀ-PA-usi
kÀ-PR-su kÀ-PR-susi
2d
kÀ-PA-usi
2p kÀ-PA-um kÀ-PA-umsi
kÀ-PR kÀ-PR-si
3s kÀ-PA-i PA-u PA-usi
kÀ-PA-À kÀ-PA-Àsi
PR-su PR-susi
3d
kÀm-PR kÀm-PR-si PA-usi
kÀm-PA-i
kÀm-PA-À kÀm-PA-Àsi
3p mÀ-PA-u mÀ-PA-usi
Intransitive: S →
kÀ-PR kÀ-PR-si PR PR-si mÀ-PR
kÀ-PA-i
kÀ-PA-À kÀ-PA-si PA-À PA-si mÀ-PA-À
Reflexive S: →
kÀ-PR-siÑ kÀ-PR-nÀsi kÀ-PR-Nasi PR-siÑ PR-nÀsi mÀ-PR-siÑ
Table 2 (cont.)
[We used to sneak back into the house after dancing and go to work
normally, so] at home our parents didn’t scold us – they didn’t know. But
you guys just sleep after getting home.
[cf. (anigÀ) mÀndÁrigÀn ‘they do/did not scold uspe’].
In the following, yapmi bears the definite singular/topic marker -n, again
impossible for a pronominal prefix:
(8) khÁmbhÀaÑ ni kha simal-khe-llÀ kÁ yapmi mÀdÁktÀn
then EMPH that kapok-yam-ERG TOP us support.3s.NEG
ekdam muyaÑ – yapmi-n muyÀ simal-khe-llÀ
very intoxicate.PA.3→1s – us-DF intoxicate.PA.3skapok-yam-ERG
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yapmi-n muyÀ-aÑ kÁ ekdam pÀÌasigÀ [Hb2:00]
us-DF intoxicate.PA.3s-and TOP very vomit.REFL.1pe
But afterward that manioc wasn’t good for us. I was badly intoxicated – we
were poisoned by the manioc. It poisoned us and wepe vomited a lot.
(9) na-nu sardìr-Àn phÀrÀ. phÀrÀ-aÑ kÁ yapmi teÌrÀ
there-from contractor-DF come.PA.3scome.PA.3s-andTOP us take.3s
khÁmbha bhìÛì yapmi thÀktÀ-aÑ kÁ khÁmbhÀaÑ Siliguri yammu
then pay us pay.3s-and TOP then S. again
pegigÀ [Hb2:20]
go.1pe
The contractor came from over there [in Assam] and took us away from
there. He paid us our wages and wepe went back to Siliguri.
[cf. teÌrigÀ, thÀktigÀ ‘he took uspe, he paid uspe’]
In the following, napmi acts like a pronominal prefix in separating the pre-
verb sen from the root:
(10) lo khÀni akkhe poksÀ-aÑ kÀnuËksi phÀaÑ kÁ
well youp how become.3s-and return.2p COMP TOP
yammu sen napmi mÀdosÀ-llÀ ni [G10:10/132]
again PV us ask.3p-when EMPH
When they asked us, “Well! Why did you come back?” …
(11) paisì rokwì mÀdzogu-aÑ kÁ yapmi mÀmbÀrÀn [Ia4:00]
moneystop do.3p→3s-and TOP us give.3p.NEG
They stopped the money and and they didn’t give it to us.
[cf. (anigÀ) mÀmbÀrigÀn ‘they did not give to uspe’]
(12) khÁn-haÌ-rÀ galla napmi mÀdzogÀ napmi mÀteÌrÀ
that-PL-ERG recruitment us do.3p us take.3p
bhartó poÑsÀ khÁmbhÀllÀ belì [O44 (Tembe)]
enlistment effect.3p then time
At that time they [soldiers on leave] used to recruit us and take us off and
get us enlisted.
In the above examples from the MM dialect, yapmi~napmi is seen to occur
sporadically for a 1st non-singular object with a 3rd person agent. Where forms in
the surrounding context distinguish exclusive from inclusive, these are exclusive,
except in 6, which is rather anomalous: after the first word (‘wepe’) the speaker
switches from exclusive to an apparently empathetic inclusive. The context is
notionally exclusive — a younger man explaining to a older one how the new
generation functions. yapmi never represents a 1st singular argument, and it does
not appear in 2→1 scenarios or imperatives, although there are many of these in
the corpus.
Other dialects
Descriptions of other Limbu dialects present somewhat different conditions
for the use of 1st person yapmi. For the dialect of Phedap, Van Driem writes:
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“The first person morpheme <a-> is often dropped from 2→1 forms
and replaced by the word <naÊpmi> which immediately precedes the
verb. The word naÊpmi also occurs as a non-bound morph in the
meaning ‘someone else’, whence the restricted usage to signal a first
person actant probably derives.” (1987:78).
There are two major differences with the MM dialect: use for 2→1
(including imperatives) rather than 3→1 forms, and use for 1st singular object,
even for 2s→1s (where, incidentally, it cannot be said to replace the prefix a-,
because this prefix does not occur in the regular finite form). The impersonal verb
form may be either past or non-past.
Weidert and Subba (Panchthar dialect) present forms with yapmi as the only
ones for most 1st person object scenarios except those with specifically INCLUSIVE
1st person objects (necessarily with 3rd person agent). As in Phedappe, the
impersonal verb form may be either past or non-past. Without going into a fully
detailed analysis, yapmi forms are used in the following parts of the paradigm
(1985:60 and paradigms 43, 68, 69; paradigm 42 differs in minor details):
(1) 2→1 except 2s→1s; imperative 2→1dp.
(2) 3→1dpe.
(3) 3d→1s.
In a few cases, non-yapmi forms are listed as alternatives: 2p→1s present
kÀ-PA-igyaÌ (resembling Myanglung Phedappe — see below), 2p→1p present
akÀ-PR-Ì, and 3p→1pe present mÀ-PA-igyaÌ (Weidert and Subba 1985:60, 183).
It is possible that a complete personal paradigm without yapmi forms exists in
Panchthar as in the other Limbu dialects, but the impersonal form appears to be
more frequent there than elsewhere.
In older sources for Limbu morphology — the LSI (1908) and Hodgson’s
notes (1857), both of which contain extensive paradigms — yapmi does not occur.
This is a clear indication that yapmi forms had not replaced the regular paradigm.
It is possible, however, that such forms did exist but were either not recorded or
not judged to be part of the verbal morphology proper, since yapmi may have
been taken as an independent word in an idiomatic construction.
We may resume the use of yapmi-forms in Limbu dialects as follows:
Mewa/Maiwa Phedap (van Driem 1987) Panchthar (Weidert and Subba, 1985)
3→1dpe 3→1dpe, 3d→1s (not 3s→1s)
2→1 2→1 (except 2s→1s)
Impersonal yapmi-forms and 1st person morphology
A number of factors may have contributed to the replacement of first person
morphology by yapmi. It has often been noted that the non-singular parts of the
you-and-me paradigms are the most difficult to elicit in Kiranti languages, with
informants frequently resorting to non-finite forms even in spontaneous speech
(Allen 1975:49, Michailovsky 1988:105, Ebert 1994:25-26). The development of
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impersonal yapmi forms may reflect this. But why should this part of the
paradigm be more problematic than others?
The reason may be, as Ebert suggests, that in these forms the finite
paradigm does not allow marking of the number of both speech act participants.
The yapmi forms at least sidestep this problem, if they do not solve it.
For Limbu, it is possible that the presence of a-, the inclusive3 marker, is
felt to be anomalous in 2→1dp forms, in which the 1st person argument is
notionally exclusive, even if it is not structurally in opposition with an inclusive
category. (Note that 1dp→2 forms all bear the exclusive marker -igÀ.) This would
explain the replacement of 2→1dp finite forms, marked by the prefix agÀ-, by
impersonal-object forms (yapmi kÀ-) forms in Panchthar and (optionally) Phedap.
It also explains the divergent evolution in the Myanglung Phedappe dialect
mentioned by van Driem (1987:78n), where 2→1dp forms bear the 2nd person
prefix kÀ- and the EXCLUSIVE suffix -igÀ4.
If a- is felt to be anomalous in 2→1dp forms, it may be wondered why it is
there in the first place. One possibility is that it was originally a 1st person (?non-
singular) marker, unmarked for “clusivity”. Another is that it was originally an 1st
person (non-singular) object marker of some kind. This hypothesis could find
support in Hodgson’s paradigms (see accompanying article), where a- occurs only
in transitive 1st person object forms.

3 Van Driem and I have been carrying on a low-intensity debate on the significance of a-, which
he considers to mean ‘1st person' (Michailovsky 1989:472, van Driem 1994:159). My reasons for
considering a- to be a 1st person (non-singular) inclusive — and not general 1st person — marker
are the following (valid for the MM, Panchthar, and Phedap dialects at least):
a- does not occur in ANY 1st person form with only singular arguments, that is 1s
intransitive, 1s reflexive, 1s→2s, 1s→3s, 2s→1s, or 3s→1s, i.e. in any basic
1st person form.
a- occurs in ALL 1st person non-singular forms which are distinctively inclusive,
and in NO form that is distinctively exclusive. These include all non-singular
1st person intransitive forms, and all transitive 1dp→3 and 3→1dp forms.
Van Driem replies, “I cannot concur with this view, as the prefix clearly functions as a marker
of first person, not only in 2→1 forms, but also in non-finite forms such as the supine”
(1994:159). The first assertion does not contradict my analysis, while the new argument,
concerning the supine, is apparently irrelevant, because what is prefixed to the supine, as van
Driem explains elsewhere (1987:212), is the oblique (or possessive) pronoun, a different paradigm
of 12 forms. Of course, the possibility that the 1st person singular possessive pronoun a- (and the
element a- in other 1st person pronouns) has the same etymological origin as the verbal prefix a-
cannot be excluded.
4 For van Driem, a- “has been reanalysed as the inclusive morpheme” in this dialect.
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REFERENCES
Allen, N. 1975. Sketch of Thulung Grammar. Ithaca. Cornell University.
Bradley, D., ed. 1994. Tibeto-Burman Languages of the Himalayas. Papers in
Southeast Asian Linguistics, No. 14. Pacific Linguistics. Canberra.
Chemjong, I. S. 1965. Limbu-Nepali-English Dictionary. Kathmandu, Royal
Nepal Academy. [Limbu in devanagari script.]
Ebert, K. 1991. “Inverse and pseudo-inverse prefixes in Kiranti lanugages:
evidence from Belhare, Athpare, and Dungmali”. LTBA 14.1:73-92.
—. 1994. The structure of Kiranti languages. Arbeiten des Seminars für
allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft 13. Universität Zürich.
—. 1997. A Grammar of Athpare. München, Newcastle. Lingcom Europa.
Hodgson, Brian Houghton. 1857. Papers. vol. 89. Conserved in the India Office
Library, London.
Michailovsky, B. 1988. La langue hayu. Paris. Editions du CNRS.
—. 1989. review of van Driem 1987. BSLP 84.2:470-473.
Rutgers, Roland. 1998. Yamphu. Research School CNWS. Leiden.
Senior, H. W. R. 1908. A Vocabulary of the Limbu Language. [English-Limbu.
Roman script. Reprint 1977, Kathmandu, Ratna Pustak Bhandar.]
Subba, B. B. 1979. Limbu Nepali English Dictionary. Government of Sikkim.
Gangtok. [Limbu in Limbu and Devanagari scripts.]
Van Dreim, George. 1987. A Grammar of Limbu. Berlin. Mouton de Gruyter.
—. 1994. “A new analysis of the Limbu verb”. Bradley (1994) 153-173.
Weidert, Alfons, et B. Subba. 1985. Concise Limbu Grammar and Dictionary.
Amsterdam. Lobster Publications.
Yonghang, Khel Raj. 2052 B.S. [1995]. limbú-nepìló ŠabdakoŠ. [Limbu-Nepali
Dictionary] ?Lalitpur. [Limbu-Nepali, by semantic categories. Limbu in
Limbu script.]
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preprint LTBA 24:2:255 (autumn 2001)
ERRATA, LTBA 24.1 "Limbu nous autres and 1st person morphology".
I would like to correct errors in Tables 2 (p. 149) and 3 (p. 150).
In Table 2, the forms in the 1st dual exclusive ("1de") column are incorrect, as
the intransitive and 3d person agent forms should not have the inclusive prefix a-.
The corrected forms:
Transitive : O →
↓A 1de
PR-sigä
3s
PA-äsigä
3d
mä-PR-sigä
mä-PA-äsigä
3p
intransitive:
PR-sigä
PA-äsigä
Table 2: Maiwa-Mewa Khola affirmative indicative verb paradigm (partial)
In Table 3, "Mewa Khola affirmative imperatives", the plural intransitive and
first person object imperatives, which in the Mewa Khola dialect have the suffix -
innä, were omitted. These forms are interesting because in Tembe, Phedap (van
Driem 187) and Panchthar (Weidert and Subba) the plural intransitive imperative
has the same suffix as the transitive. The corrected table:
Transitive Intrans. Reflexive
↓A/S O →1s 1dp 3s 3dp — —
2s PA-a³³ä PA-ä PA-ä PR-si³³ä
2d a-PA-ä PA-äsä PA-äsä PR-näsä
2p a-PA-innä PA-ammä PA-ams(imm)ä PA-innä PR-Nasinnä
Table 3: Mewa Khola affirmative imperatives
— Boyd Michailovsky