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Lilies among thorns: Lay saints and their cults in northern and central Italian cities, 1150–1350 PDF

378 Pages·2010·20.941 MB·English
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Lilies Among Thorns: Lay Saints and Their Cults in Northern and Central Italian Cities, 1150-1350 Mary Harvey Doyno Submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Columbia University 2010 UMI Number: 3400571 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI 3400571 Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract Lilies Among Thorns: Lay Saints and Their Cults in Northern and Central Italian Cities, 1150-1350 Mary Harvey Doyno This dissertation explores the phenomenon of civic cults dedicated to contemporary laymen and women in the late medieval Italian communes. While hundreds of contemporary lay people were venerated in the Italian communes between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, I focus upon a number of saints for whom the most primary sources survive: Ranieri of Pisa (d. 1160), Omobono of Cremona (d. 1197), Raimondo 'Palmerio' of Piacenza (d. 1200), Andrea of Siena (d. 1251), Zita of Lucca (d. 1278), Pier 'Pettinaio' of Siena (d. 1289), and Margaret of Cortona (d. 1297). Although most of these lay saints were never officially canonized by the Roman church, their local cults gave them a place within a pantheon of civic protectors and patrons that had previously been dominated by biblical figures and early Christian martyrs. In order to explore both the phenomenon and function of lay sanctity in the Italian communes, I have mined a wide variety of sources, including vitae (or saints' lives), miracle collections, communal deliberations and statutes attesting to the support and growth of lay saints' cults, and the physical remains of the churches, altars, tombs, paintings, and sculptures created to memorialize these saints. The first cults of lay saints appear alongside the development of independent communal governments in the twelfth century and reached their height during popolo-xvm communes in the late thirteenth-century. My work shows that the cults of these new civic patrons, who had been midwives, goldsmiths, domestic servants, merchants, and artisans, emphasized aspects of lay life that were most at odds with a saintly life: familial relationships, the decision to remain active and involved in the city, and work. Moreover, I argue that from their first appearance, the cults dedicated to urban laymen and women presented two models of the perfected lay life: one focused on the transformation of an individual life and the other concerned with the reform of a civic society. I show how between roughly 1250 and 1300, whenpopolo factions (political parties made up of a city's merchant and artisan elite) dominated communal governments, the civic cults of contemporary lay inhabitants rely on both models. The cults of lay saints in popolo-nm communes emphasize how these pious inhabitants had transformed their own lives through prayer and penance at the same time as they had rehabilitated their civic communities through charity. Moreover, I show that by mining both models of lay sanctity, lay saints' patrons were able to construct cults that responded to and reflected their own civic and religious contexts. Finally, I conclude by looking at how Supra montem, a 1289 papal bull calling for Franciscan supervision of lay penitents, changed the terms of urban lay sanctity, emphasizing a lay saint's religious affiliation and internal spiritual development over his or her civic identity and involvement. Table of Contents Introduction 1 The Lay Religious Life 5 The Penitential Movement 10 The Communal Context 14 Reforming Self and City: The Two Models of Lay Sanctity 20 1. The Beginnings of Civic Lay Sanctity in the Italian Communes 22 Saints and Sources 23 Ranieri of Pisa 28 A Lay Saint Canonized: The Beginnings of Omobono of Cremona's Cult 38 Raimondo 'Palmerio' of Piacenza 48 Raimondo's Religious Life 50 Raimondo's Charity 58 The Later Lives of Omobono of Cremona 66 Quoniam historiae 67 Labentibus annis 70 Conclusion 77 2. Practical Piety: Zita of Lucca and the Growth of her Civic Cult 81 The Sources 83 Constructing Lay Sanctity 89 "With her Own Hands": Zita's Work Life 92 Pilgrimage, Penitence and Prayer: Zita's Religious Life 97 The Balm of Charity 109 Surrogate Charity: Standing Between Rich and i Poor 110 Practical Charity: Overcoming Sex and Status 115 Perfect Charity: Zita's Death 118 Zita's Civic Cult 121 The Canons of San Frediano 127 TheRiseofthePopolo 132 A Civic Feast: Zita and the Popolo 135 Zita's Cult After the Popolo 139 Conclusion: Zita as Civic Patron 143 3. Lay Sanctity and the Sienese Commune 145 Civic Saints in Siena 145 Sources 150 Andrea Gallerani 150 Pier'Pettinaio' 154 Communal Siena 159 Siena's First Lay Saint: Andrea Gallerani 165 Andrea's Vita 166 Andrea's Miracles 173 An Indulgence and A Pair of Reliquary Shutters 175 Andrea's Cult in the Fourteenth Century 180 Siena's Holy Comb Maker: Pier 'Pettinaio' and his Cult c. 1250-1289 182 Serving Siena: Pier's Communal Life 182 The Sermon: Pier's Communal Death , 187 Civic Sanctity and the Nine 194 Ancient Patrons: The Virgin and her Court 195 The New Cults 198 Deliberating Civic Sanctity 201 A Civic Holy Man: Pier's Vita and his Cult c. 1333 204 Pier's Practical Penitence , 205 An Active or Contemplative Saint? 209 Franciscan Connections 215 Pier's Civic Christianity 220 Money and Work 221 Following the Lay, Paying Taxes 226 li Conclusion 230 4. Margaret of Cortona: The New Penitent 232 From Concubine to Civic Saint 232 Sources and Scholarship on Margaret 240 The San Basilio Sources 250 The Communal Statutes 253 Cortona in the Thirteenth Century 254 Affiliating with the Franciscans: Lay Penitents and Franciscans in Cortona 258 Penance, Work and Charity in the Legenda 265 "Deserts are not relevant today": Margaret's Desire for a Solitary Life 269 A Public Penitent: Margaret's Religious Life in Cortona 277 The Doubting Franciscans 287 Margaret's Tribulations/Franciscan Tribulations 292 5. Margaret of Cortona: The Civic Patron 302 The Move to San Basilio 302 Criticizing the City and Helping Others: Margaret's New Visionary Life 304 "A Particular Life of Understanding": Margaret and SerBadia 318 Margaret's Death and Miracles 322 A Penitential Community: The Beginnings of Margaret's Cult at San Basilio 331 The Visual Sources in San Basilio 340 The Commune's Saint 346 Conclusion 348 Conclusion 351 Figures 359 Bibliography 372 iii 1 Introduction Sometime in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, Lucchese, a merchant living in the small Chianti town of Gaggiano, was forced to flee his native city after the political party he had vocally supported fell out of favor. Lucchese settled with his wife, Bonadonna, and their children in Poggibonsi, a city 25 kilometers north of Siena, where they resumed their work as merchants. Not long after Lucchese and Bonadonna's arrival in the city, however, all of their children died. The couple responded to their tragedy by becoming penitents, an increasingly popular path for members of the urban laity in late medieval Italy who were seeking a more dedicated religious life. The couple swore to maintain a celibate marriage, followed a rigorous schedule of prayer and fasting, and devoted as much of their time as they could to providing charity to the poor and needy of Poggibonsi.1 Lucchese and Bonadonna died within a few months of each other around 1250. Immediately after their death, the people of Poggibonsi as well as those from the surrounding countryside began to flock to the couple's tombs, drawn by reports of the many miracles occurring there. A Franciscan friar, who had served as Lucchese's and perhaps also Bonadonna's confessor, took down accounts of these miracles. Scholars ' On Lucchese and Bonadonna of Poggibonsi, see Martino Bertagna, "Note e documenti intorno a S. Lucchese," Archivum franciscanum historicum 62 (1969): 3-114, and 452-7; Massimiliano Zanot, "Lucchesio, Lucio, Lucchese," in Ilpubblico dei santi: Forme e livelli di ricerzione dei messaggi agiografwi, ed. Paolo Golinelli (Rome: Viella, 2000), pp. 157-179. Also, see Bibliotheca Sanctorum, ed. F. Caraffa, 12 vols. (Rome: 1961-9), vol. 8 (1966), cols. 230-4 [hereafter BS\. On medieval Poggibonsi, see Maria Grazia Ravenni, Poggibonsi nel basso medioevo: Genesi di un territorio comunale (Poggibonsi: Lalli, 1994). 2 There has been some confusion over when Lucchese and Bonadonna died; see Zanot, "Lucchesio, Lucio, Lucchese," p. 161. 2 have speculated that this friar may also have composed a now lost vita of Lucchese in those first months after the merchant's death.3 A second vita written in 1370 also by a Franciscan survives in a fifteenth-century copy and purports to include an abbreviated version of the original collection of miracles.4 The claims made in this second vita have cemented Lucchese's reputation as a Franciscan saint.5 The vita describes how Francis of Assisi visited Lucchese and Bonadonna in Poggibonsi not long after the death of their children and offered the couple a set of guidelines to organize their new religious lives and penitential habits to mark their commitment. In short, from the mid fourteenth century on, Franciscans and scholars have seen the couple as the first members of a Franciscan lay order. While Francis may very well have traveled to Poggibonsi and offered spiritual guidance to Lucchese and Bonadonna, to describe this couple only in terms of their possible association with the Friars Minor is to overlook much of the history of the development of their cults. In civic statutes released in 1300 and again in 1333, Lucchese is identified as one of Poggibonsi's patron saints.6 And in communal documents issued throughout the fourteenth century, 3 Zanot, "Lucchesio, Lucio, Lucchese," p. 161. 4 See J. Bollandus and G. Henschenius, Acta Sanctorum...editio novissima, ed. J. Carnandet et al., 3rd ed. (Paris: 1863-87), Apr. Ill, pp. 594-610 [hereafter AA.SS.]. The 1370 vita, which was written by the Franciscan Friar, Bartolomeo de' Tomei di Siena, has been preserved through a copy made by Fra Bartolomeo da Colle in 1477; see Bertagna, "Note e documenti intorno a S. Lucchese," pp. 10-15. While Bartolomeo de' Tomei cites the original Legenda as one of his main sources, his vita conforms to many of the hagiographic tropes common to Tuscan saints' lives and has raised questions about how accurately it reproduces the thirteenth-century life; see Bertagna, Note e documenti intorno a S. Lucchese." 5 Those works that have emphasized Lucchese and Bonadonna as particularly Franciscan saints include Agostino Neri, Vita del Beato Lucchese, terziario francescano (Assisi, 1890); Francesco Mattesini, Le origini del Terz 'Ordine francescano: Regola antica e vita del Beato Lucchese (Milan: Vita e pensiero, 1964. 6 Bertagna has transcribed these statutes; see "Note e documenti intorno a S. Lucchese," pp. 15-17. For more on the Poggibonsi statutes, see Una comunita della Valdelsa nel medioevo: Poggibonsi e il suo statuto del 1332, ed. Silvio Pucci (Poggibonsi: Lalli, 1995); and L 'Archivio comunale di Poggibonsi: 3 there are several mentions of members of the city's communal government attending and financially supporting the civic celebrations to mark Lucchese's feast day.7 Thus while the Franciscans may have worked to establish Lucchese as a member of their pantheon, the city to where this pious merchant fled with his family, and later underwent a conversion to a life of penance and charity, was aiming for the same. This dissertation will explore the appearance, beginning in the twelfth century in northern and central Italian cities, of civic cults dedicated to contemporary laymen and women. In cities ruled by independent communal governments, midwives, goldsmiths, domestic servants, merchants, and artisans (to name just a few of the occupations of these civic lay saints), with little or no association to organized religious orders, were venerated during their lifetimes and celebrated as civic patrons after their deaths by their fellow city-dwellers. Although only one of these civic lay saints would be canonized by the Roman church during the Middle Ages—Omobono of Cremona (d. 1197), who was canonized by Pope Innocent III in 1199—the vitae, miracle collections, tombs, and altars dedicated to these pious men and women by their fellow city-dwellers as well as the many mentions of them in civic statutes provide convincing evidence that these cults were of great local importance. That importance has often been overlooked, because of the success mendicant orders had during the fourteenth century connecting lay saints to their burgeoning third or lay orders. While many of the laymen and women celebrated as local saints in the Italian communes had some connection (and perhaps even a loose institutional affiliation) with Franciscan and Dominicans friars, this dissertation will Inventario della sezione storica, ed. Mario Brogi (Siena: Amministrazione Provinciale di Siena, 2003), pp. 7-40. 7 Bertagna, "Note e documenti intorno a S. Lucchese," pp. 19-39.

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