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IJHIR | Volume-8 | Issue-1| Jan-Mar 2022| Life and the religious thought of Shaikh Muhammad Ghawth of Shattari Silsilah Sakir Hossain Laskar INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HISTORI- Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History CAL INSIGHT AND RESEARCH Aligarh Muslim University E-ISSN: 2454-5600 Email: [email protected] Double Blind Peer Reviewed Journal URL: http://ijhir.qtanalytics.in ABSTRACT Muhammad Ghawth and his relationship with the ruling class of the day. The Shattari silsila of Sufism made its inroad into India from the late 15th century under the KEY WORDS leadership its founder Shaikh Siraj al-din Ab- Shattari, Silsila, Sufi, Khanqah, Khilafat Namah, dullah Shattar. However, the order became Yogi popular among the masses of the Indian sub- continent under the charismatic leadership of Shaikh Muhammad Ghawth of Gwalior. He INTRODUCTION spread the ideal of shattari’s into the region of Shaikh Muhammad Ghawth of Gwalior was one Gujrat Malwa, and Deccan. Probably Shaikh of the most influential figures among Shattari Muhammad Ghawth was the only Sufi saints silsilah of Sufism. As the author of Gulzar-i- who tried to understand the ideals of Hindu Yo- Abrar noted, it was because of his tireless effort gis. Unlike the popular Chisti saints of the day, the ‘Shattari baby grew into manhood’. His the Shaikh did participate in the political affairs knowledge of mysticism, his humble character, of the States. It was by his help Babur was able and his care for people made the Shattari silsi- to secure the fort of Gwalior. The Shaikh main- lah one of the popular silsilah of Sufism. People tained a cordial relation with both emperors from both Hinduism and Islam respected his Humayun and Akbar, however, Akbar’s inclina- teaching. From the early age of his life, Shaikh tion towards the teaching of Shaikh Salim Chisti Muhammad Ghawth was interested in Sufism. made the shaikh withdraw from the Mughal im- He became a disciple of Shaikh Zahur Hamid at perial capital Agra to Gwalior. The Shaikh was a very early age, it was under his instruction as pious as humble, as Mullah Badauni noted Shaikh Ghawth proceeded towards Chunar1 to that the Shaikh made no distinction between live in seclusion and devote his time to studying the masses and nobles. Shaikh Muhammad spirituality. The Shaikh continued to live in Ghawth was one of the forerunners in the sci- Chunar for more than thirteen years. During his ence of exorcism. This paper aims to shed light stay in Chunar, the Shaikh live under severe on various aspects of the teaching of Shaikh austerities. As Mullah Badauni noted, the 1 Chunar is a city located in Mirzapur district of Indian state of Uttar Pradesh DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003 13 Sakir Hossain Laskar Shaikh subsisted on the tree leaves at that time court Tansen is said to have become his disciple (Badauni, pp. Vol III, 4). It was there, in the jun- and he was also buried near the tomb of the gle of Vindhyachal he made contact with Hindu shaikh given their close relationship. The Yogis, these events played a significant role in Shaikh had a very humble personality, he was shaping his religious thought. Although some free from material desire and spiritual arro- Muslim mystics before him tried to make con- gance. He never refers to himself as ‘I’ but al- tact with Hindu yogis (Sijaji, 1884, pp. 84-85), ways prefers to call address himself as ‘this he was more successful in this matter than oth- humble self’. His belief in Sufi pantheism was ers. Probably he was the only Sufi saint who be- unshakable, he believes that whenever one came very close to Hindu yogis. During these starts to assert their identity, then the person days he codified the teaching of his spiritual had denied the divine unity. The Shaikh be- master Shaikh Zahur, titled as Jawahir-i-Kham- lieved that men are the reflection of the image sah. Shaikh Ghawth presented his work to his of God. He often quoted, “He created man after master after Shaikh Zahur’s return from Ben- his own image”. This was fundamental to the gal, the Shaikh was very pleased with him, but Shattari doctrines, The Shattari believed as Sott also didn’t want him to spend his rest of das in A. Kugle put forward, “the heaven, the universe, seclusion (Badauni, pp. Vol III, 4), thus he in- and the terrestrial world came into creation structed him to settle in Gwalior and live through series of emanations from the primal among the masses (Jawahir-i-Khamsah, p. f. being, which is God” (KUGLE, 2003) 267). Critics have often criticized The Shaikh as a Teaching and religious views of Shaikh Mu- man ignorant of proper knowledge, The author hammad Ghawth of Iqbal Namah describes him as an illiterate person. But the Shaikh was well versified in Shaikh Muhammad Ghawth was a man of very mystic ideology. Some of his works, Jawahir-1- liberal views, his mind was free from of sorts of Khamsah, Bahr ul- Hayat, Khalid-i-Makhzan, bigotry and religious fanaticism. He treated M'airaj Namah, Awrad-i-Ghawthiyah, and Kiaz- both Hindus and Muslims with the same re- u'l-Wahdat, shows us his profound knowledge spect and courtesy. When the Shaikh visited the in mystic ideology. His famous work The Jawa- imperial capital Agra in 966 A.H./1338 A.D. hir-i- Khamsah (the five jewels) is the gist of his Mullah Badauni was studying there, upon hear- spiritual master Shaikh Zahur Hamid. The Ja- ing the Shaikh’s presence in Agra, Badauni wahir-i- Khamsah is divided into five chapters wished to visit the Shaikh and pay his respects (Khamsah), which describe the pathway to but he abandoned this thought when he discov- worship God. ered that The Shaikh stood up in honor of every Hindu who came to visit him (Badauni, Vol III, (1) On the worship of God 5). It was too much for an orthodox like Ba- (2) on the ascetic life; dauni. However, Badauni came into contact with the shaikh one day when he saw him rid- (3) on exorcism, ing through the Bazar (Badauni, Vol III, 5). As (4) recital of God's praises; Badauni describes a huge crowd surrounded the shaikh and the shaikh was busy returning (5) on the acts of those followers of the true the salute of the people and he made no differ- path who have attained knowledge. ence among people whether they were Hindu The Jawahir-i-Khamsah not only deals with or Muslim, and he was widely popular among mystic ideology but also describes mystic prac- the masses. The famous musician of Akbar’s tices in detail. The Shattari’s of later days has DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003 14 Sakir Hossain Laskar been treated as their dastur. It was altogether Sultan Ibrahim Lodi had tried to win the different from earlier Sufi literature produced Shaikh’s blessing with gifts but the relationship in the Indian Subcontinent. The Jawahir-i- between them couldn’t be good because the Khamsah didn’t interpret Tasawwuf in terms of Sultan had imprisoned and executed many im- higher ethical value, but it interprets in terms portant nobles who were on good terms with of miracle, talisman, and supernatural perfor- the Shaikh. It was his popularity among the mance. The Shaikh noted, “All those who want people of Gwalior which made him an enemy of to learn strange and rare sciences like …… arith- Tatar Khan Sarang Khani, the Afghan chieftain metic, astrology, biology, astronomy, nature of of Gwalior. After Babur’s victory in Panipat, he trees, chirping of birds, the art of making amu- turned his attention towards Gwalior and the lets, should practice this” (Jawahir-i-Khamsah, Shaikh helped him with everything under his p. f. 81). His other works, i.e. The Khalid-i-Ma- disposal. Tatar Khan Sarang Khani initially re- khzan, M'airaj Namah, and Awrad-i-Ghawthi- sisted the Mughals, but when the Rajputs yah mostly concerned with supernatural sci- pressed hard against Gwalior he offered to sub- ences. The Awrad-i-Ghawthiyah is mostly con- mit Babur voluntarily, seeing the imminent cerned with tantrism, it describes The Shaikh danger to his power. To receive his surrender as more of a Hindu Yogi than a Sufi mystic. Babur sent Khwajah Rahim Dad, and Shaikh These books highly revered the practices of Guran. However, Tatar Khan was not true to his Hindu yogis. intention, and he shut himself in the fort citing security reason. Observing the situation Shaikh The Shaikh also has some knowledge Sanskrit Ghawth sent a message to the commander of language (Gulzār-i-Abrār, p. f. 193), which he the Mughal force, Rahim Dad “Get yourselves most probably learned from Hindu yogis dur- into the fort somehow, for the views of this per- ing his days of Chunar. He translated the San- son (Tatar Khan) have changed, and he has evil skrit work Amritkunda into Persian titled as in his mind” (Ahmad, pp. 22-23). Rahim Dad Bahr-ul-Hayat. However, as he didn’t have the was quick to heed the advice of the Shaikh and access to the original text of Amritkunda, thus then he sent a message to Tatar Khan for his according to Carl W. Ernst “his “translation” of permission to stay inside the fort as he didn’t the Amrtakunda text is a work framed in terms feel safe living outside the fort. Tatar Khan ten of the Islamic traditions, studded with quota- permitted Rahim Dad to enter the fort with a tions from the Qur’an and hadith” (Ernst, 2016). limited number of soldiers. Shaikh Muhammad The Shaikh’s admiration for the Hindu Yogi is Ghawth then secretly instructed the door- visible from Bahr-ul-Hayat, as he observed, keeper of the fort, who was his disciple to open “Their religious leader (imam) is Gorakh, and the gate and let Mughal force enter the fort some say that Gorakh is an expression for Khizr (Ahmad, pp. 22-23). Beaten by the Mughal (peace on our Prophet and on him)” (Bahr al- strategy Tatar Khan then submitted to the hayat, p. 66). The text Amritkunda was known Mughal force. to Indian Sufi before the time of Shaikh Ghawth (Rizvi), but he was the one who applied his Shaikh Ghawth’s role in the capture of the Gwa- knowledge practically. lior fort made him popular with the Mughal, Emperor Babur had a very high opinion about Shaikh’s relations with the ruling class him. Even when Babur was angry with Rahim The Shaikh had to face persecution in his life- Dad’s inappropriate behavior, he forgives him time for his teachings which irked many ortho- on Shaikh’s plea (Babur, pp. Vol III, 690). Em- dox ulema’s and nobles alike, and his popular- peror Humayun also regarded the Shaikh in ity among the masses always fueled this fire. very high esteem. Humayun was interested in DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003 15 Sakir Hossain Laskar exorcism for which he was interested in the analysis of the content of Mairaj Namah, Shaikh Shaikh’s teaching. According to Mullah Badauni Wajih-ud- Alavi find it a very excellent work on “Humayun had the greatest faith in and attach- spirituality, and he then tore the fatwa of ment to these two saints so much so that there Shaikh Ali Muttaqi (Badauni, Vol III, 45). Sur- were very few that ranked with them in estima- prised by Shaikh Wajih-ud- Alavi’s action, tion. From these venerable men, he learnt the sci- Shaikh Ali Muttaqi tore his clothes and present ence of exorcism” (Badauni, pp. Vol III, 4) himself before Shaikh Wajih-ud- Alavi and said, “How is it that you assent to the spread of heresy After Humayun’s defeat at the hand of Sher and schism in the faith?” (Badauni, Vol III, 45), Shah, the Shaikh had to face the displeasure of Shaikh Wajih-ud-Alavi calmly replied “We fol- Afghan’s due to his close relationship with the low the letter and the Shaikh the spirit (of reli- Mughals (Manaqib-i Ghawthiyya, p. 64). To gion). Our understanding cannot reach his per- avoid the harassment from Sher Shah, the fections and (even) as far as the letter of the law Shaikh migrated to Gujrat (Badauni, Vol III, 4). goes no exception by which he could be pro- In Gujrat, the Shaikh became popular with the nounced blame-worthy, can be taken to him” common masses and nobles alike, which irked (Badauni, Vol III, 45). This incident as noted by the orthodox ulema’s of the court and they Badauni increased the Shaikh’s popularity were waiting for an opportunity to vilify him, throughout Gujrat. The Shaikh now concen- and when the Shaikh completed one of his fa- trated on spreading his teaching throughout mous work Mairaj Namah, they grab this op- Gujrat. He established a Khanqah in Ahmada- portunity to get rid of him. The Mairaj Namah bad which became famous as Daulat Khanah was a reflation of one of the controversial doc- (Gulzār-i-Abrār, p. f. 88), he also established a trines of the Shattari Silsilah. According to the mosque inside it, which late became famous as Shattari Nabuyat (Prophethood) and Walayat Ektoda, i.e., one turrent mosque. The mosque, (Sainthood) are the same and in this boo,k The which survived long after the death of the Shaikh claimed to have performed the journey Shaikh was mentioned in the Archaeological of Miraj like The Prophet. In Mairaj Namah he Survey Report of 1824 as Daulat Khanah describes his journey vividly, he said that on his Mosque. In the open space to the north of the journey to heaven he met four pious Caliphs, mosque, the tomb of the wife and two sons of but didn’t talk to them, he then marched for- the Shaikh’s were located. ward and met with Faristas (angels) who had books in their hand, upon further proceeding Although the Shaikh was highly revered he met with The Prophet. The Shattaris had ac- throughout Gujrat, he did not wish to stay there cepted this but most of the ulemas refused to do after the restoration of Mughal power in Hindu- so. Many ulemas of Gujrat condemned the con- stan. After Humayun’s victory over the Sur’s the tents of the book as heretical. One of the famous Shaikh begins preparation for his journey to ulema of that time, Shaikh Ali Muttaqi2 issued a Delhi, however, he only could reach Delhi after fatwa against the shaikh a marked him as a pol- the death of Humayun by accident. Due to his luter of the faith who deserve execution. The contacts with Emperor Babur and Humayun, situation became so dire that the matter had to Emperor Akbar showed great respect to the be referred to the Sultan Mahmud of Gujarat, Shaikh. Witnessing the Emperor’s respect to- the Sultan leave the matter with Shaikh Wajih- wards the Shaikh Badauni noted, “While at Gu- ud- Alavi to resolve it. However, after careful jarat he had by means of inducements and 2 Shaikh Ali Muttaqi was one of the most influential saint and scholar of 15th and 16th century DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003 16 Sakir Hossain Laskar incitements brought the emperor at the begin- oxen from the Shaikh which he procured from ning of his reign, entirely under his influence as Gujrat (Mubārak, Vol II, 68). The Shaikh pre- a teacher” (Badauni, Vol II, 65). The Shaikh vis- sented the emperor some of his finest bulls ited the imperial capital Agra in 1558 A.D., Em- with other valuable things together with halwa peror Akbar himself went out to receive the and creams. During this time the Shaikh asked Shaikh (Badauni, Vol II, 34). This kind of re- the emperor whether he had chosen his spir- spect of the emperor towards the jealousy of itual teacher or not. Upon receiving his reply as orthodox ulema of the court, most influential no, the Shaikh stretched his hand towards the among them was the Sadr-u's-Sadr of the Em- emperor to become his pir and said, “From this pire Shaikh Gadai (Badauni, Vol II, 34). Accord- moment I am your spiritual teacher” (Mubārak, ing to Badauni Shaikh Gadai’s displeasure with Vol II, 68). The emperor pretended that he the Shaikh was because of his jealousy, hypoc- wasn’t able to understand the Shaikh because risy, and envy towards the Shaikh. To vilify the the emperor didn’t want to become the murid Shaikh in front of the Emperor, Shaikh Gadai of the Shaikh, because the emperor had no spe- used the same tactics used by the ulema of the cial attachment towards the teaching of the Gujrat, he started a vicious campaign against Shaikh (Mubārak, pp. Vol II, 68). the Shaikh on basis of his work Mairaj Namah. In the meantime, there was a conspiracy under- Bairam Khan, The Wakil-us-Sultanate, and the going to displace Bairam Khan from his power- ataliq of the emperor falls for this propaganda ful position in the court, and the Shaikh’s bitter- and didn’t receive the Shaikh in a courtly man- ness with the Khan-i-Khanan Bairam Khan was ner. However, the Shaikh did discuss some of well known, thus the adversaries of Bairam his observations mentioned in his Risalah with Khan tried to enlist the Shaikh on their side. Bairam Khan, which didn’t fit in with the lat- Khafi Khan writes that –– “Maham Anka, Adham ter’s belief. Thus, Shaikh Gadai’s agenda gains Khan Koka and Ahaad Khan, son-in-law of Ma- the sympathy of Bairam Khan. When the Shaikh ham Anka, conspired and went to Shaikh Mu- became aware that he is the object of the en- hammad Ghawth, explained to him their sedi- mity of the most powerful man of the Empire, tious plan and sought his co-operation” (Khafi, the Shaikh retired to his native place Gwalior. pp. Vol I, 143). However, the Shaikh refrained However, Emperor Akbar wasn’t happy with from taking any part in it. the departure of the Shaikh. As Firišta noted, Shaikh Muhammad Ghawth however later on “Due to the retirement of Shaikh Ghawth to his became embroiled in a serious conflict with an- native town Gwalior Akbar was annoyed with other famous Sufi saint, Shaikh Salim Chishti, Bairam Khan” (Firišta, pp. Vol II, 323). To avoid who was highly revered by the emperor. Con- further bitterness with both the Shaikh and temporary historians noted that the conflict Emperor Akbar and to make amends with the was regarding nothing but jealousy. The con- Shaikh Bairam Khan gave the Shaikh one crore flicts reached that level that it included disci- tanka as maintenance allowance (Ahmad, pp. ples of both sides which made the whole atmos- Vol II, 142). The Zakhirat-u'1-Khawanin also phere toxic. Regarding it, Badauni noted that mentioned that jagir worth of 9 lacs was be- “On the whole there was less of snobbery among stowed on the Shaikh. the spiritual successors of Shaikh Muhammad Upon arrival on Gwalior, The Shaikh built a Ghawth than among those of Shaikh Salim, Khanqah and spend most of his time in sama though each sect decried and sought to ruin the (Badauni, pp. Vol III, 5). In the meantime, Em- other” (Badauni, Vol II, 139). However, his op- peror Akbar visited the Shaikh to get some ponents could never get rid of him for good DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003 17 Sakir Hossain Laskar because according to Carl W. Ernst “Muham- of his famous at Ahmadabad, Boroda, Burhan- mad Ghawth…. was an extremely influential and pur, Champanir, Jsuaod, etc. Many famous Sufi powerful man, and he emerged unscathed from saints in the Indian Subcontinent were known the attempts of his opponents” (Ernst, 1999). for their religious thought. Shaikh Muhammad Ghawth stood among them on account of his Even after all those controversies the Shaikh personality, his closeness with both the ruler never refused to help Emperor Akbar in time of class and the masses. His understanding of the need. The Shaikh played a very critical role dur- mystic method of Hindu Yogi’s made him distin- ing the conquest of the Chunar fort. The man in guished from others. It is because of his cha- charge of the fort, Fattu was a decuple of the risma and connections he was able to spread Shaikh. Akbar recognizing the importance of the Shattari ideals among the Subcontinent and the Chunar fort sent Shaikh Muhammad was able to ward off the wrath of the ulema Ghawth with Asaf Khan to Chunar for a peaceful class. transition of the fort to the Mughals. Fattu obeyed the Shaikh’s wish and surrounded the REFERENCES fort to the Mughal peacefully. For his service, 1. Ahmad, K. N. (1911, rep. 1973). The Fattu was sent to the Emperor and the Emperor Tabaqat-i-Akbari. (B. De, Trans.) Calcutta: was awarded high favor (Badauni, Vol II, 63). Asiatic Society. CONCLUSION 2. Babur, Z. u.-d.-M. (1922). Babur Nama. (A. S. Beveridge, Trans.) London: Luzac & Co. The Shaikh died at Agra on Ramadan 17 of 970 A.H./ 1362 A.D. at the age of eighty, however, 3. Badauni, A. Q. (1868, written in 1064 two contemporary works, Akbar Namah and A.H./1595 A.D.). Muntakhab-ul-Tawarikh. Tabaqat-i-Akbari says that the Shaikh had died (M. A. Ali, Ed.) Calcutta: The college Press at Gwalior. But Mullah Badauni concurs differ- Calcutta. ently, according to Badauni, The Shaikh had 4. Ernst, C. W. (1999). PERSECUTION AND died at Agra but buried bat Gwalior. We must CIRCUMSPECTION IN SHATTARI SU- give precedence to Mullah’s account over the FISM. In F. De Jong, & B. Radtke (Eds.), Is- other two on account of his relations with the lamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centu- son of Shaikh Dia-ullah. ries of Debate and Conflict (Islamic History and Civilization ed.). Leiden. To spread the Shattari ideals into the subconti- nent the Shaikh Muhammad granted Khilafat 5. Ernst, C. W. (2016). Refractions of Islam in Namah to his disciples belonging from every India: Situating Sufism and Yoga. SAGE part of the subcontinent, however, he concen- Publications. trated his effort mostly on the area of Gujrat, 6. Firišta, M. Q.-S. (1831). Tarikh-i-Ferishta. (J. Malwa, Khandesh, and Deccan. Probably the Briggs, Trans.) Bobay: Government College Shaikh chose this area because those places Press. were outside the influence of other Sufi orders. 7. Ghawth, S. M. (1526). Jawahir-i-Khamsah. The Punjab and Sindh were already under the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of influences of Suhrawardi silsilah, while most of History, Aligarh Muslim University. northern India was under influence of Chishti silsilah. But the area covering Gujarat, 8. Ghawth, S. M. (1547). Bahr al-hayat. Centre Khandesh, and Malwa has not yet come under of Advanced Study, Department of History, the influence of any other Sufi silsilah. It was for Aligarh Muslim University. that reason The Shaikh chose to establish most DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003 18 Sakir Hossain Laskar 9. Khafi, K. (1963). Muntakhab ul-Lubab (Vol. 4 vols). (M. A. Urdu, Trans.) Karachi. 10. KUGLE, S. A. (2003). HEAVEN'S WIT- NESS: THE USES AND ABUSES OF MUḤAMMAD GHAWTH'S MYSTICAL ASCENSION. Journal of Islamic Studies, 14(1), 1-36. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/26199837 11. Mubārak, A. F. (1965). Akbarnāmah. Allāhābād. 12. Rizvi, S. A. (1978, rep. 2003,2002). A His- tory of Sufism in India (Vols. I, II). New Delhi. 13. Shattari, F. A. (1933). Manaqib-i Ghaw- thiyya. (M. Z.-H. Urdu, Trans.) Agra: Abu al- Ma`ali Steam Press. 14. Shaṭṭārī, M. G. (2017). Gulzār-i abrār fī siyar al-akhyār. (I. H. Ansari, & H. A.-T. al-Sid- diqi., Trans.) Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli. 15. Sijaji, A. H. (Ed.). (1884). Fawaid-ul-Fuad. Lucknow: Newal Kishore. DOI: https://doi.org/10.48001/ijhir.2022.08.01.003

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