Libido Dominandi: Sexual Liberation & Political Control

856 Pages·2016·2.48 MB·English

by  E. Michael Jones

Table of Contents
Dominandi
LIBIDO DOMINANDI
Sexual Liberation as Political Control
Introduction
Part I
Ingolstadt, 1776
Paris, 1987
London, 1790
Paris, 1792
London, 1797
London, 1812
Paris, 1821
Part II
Paris, 1885
Chicago, September, 1900
Bremen, 1909
Greenwich Village, 1913
Zurich, 1914
New York, 1914
Baltimore, 1916
Patterson, New Jersey, 1916
New York, 1917
Versailles, 1919
Baltimore, 1919
Berlin, 1919
New York, 1921
New York, 1922
Moscow, 1922
Moscow, 1922
Moscow, 1926
Vienna, 1927
New York, 1929
Berlin, 1929
Berlin, 1930
Moscow, 1930
Washington, 1930
New York, 1934
New York, 1932
Part III
New York, 1940
New York, 1941
Bloomington, Indiana, 1942
New York, 1947
New York, 1947
Dartmouth, 1947
Bloomington, Indiana, 1950
Washington, D.C., 1957
South Bend, Indiana, 1962
Washington, D.C., 1964
Washington, D.C., 1965; Rome, 1965
Washington, D.C., November 1965
Los Angeles 1966
New York, 1969
Notre Dame, Indiana, 1970
Hialeah, Florida, 1972
Washington, D.C., 1974
Philadelphia, 1976
Evansville, Indiana, 1981
Washington, D.C. 1983
Washington, D.C., 1992
Notes
Bibliography
Index
Dominandi
Sexual Liberation and Political Control
LIBIDO DOMINANDI
Sexual Liberation and Political Control
E. Michael Jones ©
St. Augustine’s press South Bend, Indiana 2000
Copyright © 2000 by E. Michael Jones
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the
prior permission of St. Augustine’s Press.
Manufactured in the United States of America.
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Jones, E. Michael.
Libido dominandi : sexual liberation and political control /
E. Michael Jones, p. cm.
Includes index.
ISBN 1-890318-37-X
1. Pornography-—United States. 2. Pornography—Political aspects—
United States. 3. Sex—Political Aspects—United States.
4. Pornography—History. I. Title HQ472.U6 J65 2000
363.4’7’0973—dc21 99-051925
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the
American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of
Paper for Printed Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984.
Sexual Liberation as Political
Control
Ask for this great Deliverer now, and find him Eyeless in Gaza at the Mill
with slaves,
Himself in bonds under Philistian yoke;
John Milton, Samson Agonistes
London 1996
Since Internet knows no place, it doesn’t really matter where it happened,
but just for the record I was in England when I started getting e-mail
messages from Lisa and Heather. At least, I think that’s what their names
were. They wanted me to check out their hot web sites. Just as there is no
place on the Internet, the names don’t mean much either. The important
thing was that I was getting unsolicited solicitations for pornography.
Spam is, I think, the generic term for this unsolicited material. The
pornographic variations are known as blue spam. I was planning to protest
to CompuServe and ask them not to make my name available to these
agencies when I got some blue spam from CompuServe itself, offering its
own pornographic services. Quis custo-diet ipsos custodes? What sells
itself as an e-mail service turns out to be a pimp. The situation I have since
learned is even worse with AOL, according to one subscriber to that on-line
service, who spends each day clearing his electronic mailbox of hundreds
of such solicitations. In the recent court case challenging the
constitutionality of the Communications Decency Act, CompuServe signed
an amicus curiae brief supporting the pomographers. Predictably, given our
judicial system, the three-judge panel in Philadelphia handling the case
found the CDA unconstitutional. One of the judges opined that “just as the
strength of the Internet is chaos, so the strength of our liberty depends upon
the chaos and cacophony of unfettered speech.”
The world “liberty” coming from one of the regime’s mandarins is a dead
giveaway that what we’re really talking about here is bondage. What
I would like to propose here is a paradigm shift of simple but nonetheless
revolutionary (or better still counter-revolutionary proportions) by saying
what should be obvious to anyone who has visited these web pages and who
has had Heather or Lisa ask for his credit card number, namely, that
pornography is now and has always been a form of control, financial
control. Pornography is a way of getting people to give you money which,
because of the compul-
sive nature of the transaction, is not unlike trafficking in drugs. Unlike
prostitution, which is also a transaction benefiting from compulsion,
pornography is closely bound up with technology, specifically the
reproduction and transmission of images. Just as the history of
pornography is one of progress (technological, not moral progress, of
course), so the exploitation of compulsion has been explored in more and
more explicit form during the past two hundred years of this revolutionary
age. What began as the bondage of sin eventually became financial control
and what became accepted as a financial transaction has been forged into a
form of political control. Sexual revolution is contemporaneous with
political revolution of the sort that began in France in 1789. This means we
are not talking about sexual vice when we use the term sexual revolution,
as much as the rationalization of sexual vice, followed by the financial
exploitation of sexual vice, followed by the political mobilization of the
same thing as a form of control. Since sexual “liberation” has social chaos
as one of its inevitable sequelae, sexual liberation begets almost from the
moment of its inception the need for social control. That dynamic is the
subject of this book.
It is no secret now that lust is also a form of addiction. My point here is
that the current regime knows this and exploits this situation to its own
advantage. In other words, sexual “freedom” is really a form of social
control. What we are really talking about is a Gnostic system of two truths.
The exoteric truth, the one propagated by the regime through advertising,
sex education, Hollywood films, and the university system - the truth, in
other words for general consumption - is that sexual liberation is freedom.
The esoteric truth, the one that informs the operations manual of the
regime - in other words the people who benefit from “liberty” - is the exact
opposite, namely, that sexual liberation is a form of control, a way of
maintaining the regime in power by exploiting the passions of the naive,
who identify with their passions as if they were their own and identify with
the regime which ostensibly enables them to gratify these passions. People
who succumb to their disordered passions are then given rationalizations of
the sort that clog web pages on the Internet and are thereby molded into a
powerful political force by those who are most expert in manipulating the
flow of imagery and rationalization.
Like laissez-faire economics, the first tentative ideas of how to exploit sex
as a form of social control arose during the Enlightenment as well. If
the universe was a machine whose prime force was gravity, society was a
machine as well whose prime force was self-interest, and man, likewise, no
longer sacred, was a machine whose engine ran on passion. From there it
was not much of a stretch to understand that the man who controlled
passion controlled man.
John Heidenry’s history of the sexual revolution, What Wild Ecstasy, is
one more example of whiggish history - this time, whiggish sexual history.
In fact, all histories of sexual liberation are whiggish. The moral of each
piece of this genre is either “People everywhere just wanna be free” or,
to give the feminist variant, “Girls just wanna have fun.” That Linda
Boreman Marchiano, AKA, Linda Lovelace found getting beaten and raped
during the filming of Deep Throat not much fun is beside the point. The
dogma that needs to be promoted here is that sexual license is liberating,
and that the quest for liberation is its own justification, so even if a few
people get hurt (or killed) in the process, it was generally worth it after all.
Heidenry lays his metaphysical cards on the table at various points during
the book. At the very beginning he tells us, for example, that “this ... is the
way we were from about 1965 on, when the particles of revolt and
enlightenment coalesced into a sexual Big Bang.” We have here, in
other words, the classic Enlightenment explanation of everything. Just as
the entire physical universe in all its grandeur, beauty and order is really
nothing more than the random motion of discrete particles bumping into
each other, so every social movement from economics to sexual liberation
is essentially the same thing. The same explanation that George Will
applies to the economic order, John Heidenry applies to the moral and
sexual realm. Instead of atoms, we have atomistic individuals; instead of
gravity, we have passion as the great motivating force, and instead of an
orderly universe explainable by the laws of physics, we have society
reconfigured by social movements like sexual liberation. This is how it is;
in other words, the big picture. People everywhere just wanna be free and
what gesture could encapsulate this freedom more than, say, masturbating
to the dirty pictures in Hustlerl
As the last example makes clear, we are not talking about freedom here but
a form of addiction or moral bondage - certainly for the individual but also