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249 Pages·2006·0.991 MB·English
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Liberal Government and Politics, 1905–15 Also by Ian Packer LETTERS OF ARNOLD STEPHENSON ROWNTREE TO MARY KATHERINE ROWNTREE, 1910–1918 (editor) LLOYD GEORGE LLOYD GEORGE, LIBERALISM AND THE LAND: the Land Issue and Party Politics in England, 1906–1914 Liberal Government and Politics, 1905–15 Ian Packer © Ian Packer 2006 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2006 978-0-333-91798-5 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2006 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 978-1-349-42343-9 ISBN 978-0-230-62544-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230625440 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Packer, Ian, 1962– Liberal government and politics, 1905–15/Ian Packer. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. Contents: Government and party — Foreign, defence and colonial policy — Liberals and the United Kingdom — Liberalism and democracy — Nonconformist party? — The economy and finance — Social reform and labour relations — Epilogue: a liberal war?. 1. Great Britain—Politics and government—1901–1910. 2. Great Britain—Politics and government—1910–1936. 3. Liberal Party (Great Britain)—History—20th century. 4. Liberalism—Great Britain—History—20th century. I. Title. DA570.P33 2006 941.082′3—dc22 2005058537 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 Contents Acknowledgements vii Introduction 1 1 Government and Party 7 Leadership 7 The party in parliament 14 The party outside parliament 20 2 Foreign, Defence and Colonial Policy 28 Foreign policy 28 Defence policy 36 Colonial policy 47 3 Liberals and the United Kingdom 55 The background to Irish home rule 55 The home rule moment 63 4 Liberalism and Democracy 76 The House of Lords 77 Franchise reform 86 5 A Nonconformist Party? 97 Nonconformity and Liberalism 97 Church versus chapel 99 The moral agenda 109 The religious context of Edwardian Liberalism 117 6 The Economy and Finance 121 The meaning of free trade 121 The state and the economy 125 National taxation 129 v vi Contents 7 Social Reform and Labour Relations 142 Social reform 142 Labour relations 156 8 Epilogue: A Liberal War? 161 The decision for war 162 Strategy and the economy 167 Preserving Liberalism 173 The end 177 Notes and References 181 Bibliography 220 Index 234 Acknowledgements Queen’s University, Belfast and the University of Lincoln have provided helpful and stimulating environments in which to write this book. Iwould like to thank all my colleagues in the history departments of these two institutions for their support and understanding while I have wrestled with the complexities of Edwardian politics. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Professor Jeremy Black for originally suggesting that I should write this book for Palgrave and to Professor Peter Jupp for all his encouragement and words of wisdom. I am also grateful to my students in Belfast and Lincoln for giving me the opportunity to think through and test out some of my ideas. My parents were supportive as ever. Yet again, I could not have written this book without the encouragement and help of Lynda. This is for her. I am grateful to the following institutions and individuals for access to and permission to quote from manuscript sources: the Bodleian Library, Oxford and J. Bonham Carter (Asquith papers), Hon. Mrs C. Gascoigne (Sir W. Harcourt papers); the British Library (Balfour, Burns, Campbell- Bannerman, Herbert Gladstone papers); Cheshire and Chester Archives; Churchill College Library, Cambridge; Gloucestershire Record Office (W. H. Dickinson papers); Hampshire Record Office (Portsmouth papers); the Clerk of the House of Lords Record Office; Lincolnshire Archives; the National Archives (Cabinet, Grey papers); the National Archives of Scotland; the Trustees of the National Library of Scotland (Elibank, Haldane, Muirhead, Rosebery papers); the National Library of Wales (E. W. Davies papers); Nuffield College Library, Lord Gainford and Professor Cameron Hazlehurst (Gainford papers); the Trustees of the Joseph Rowntree Foundation; University College of North Wales, Bangor, Library; University of Birmingham Library (Allard, Austen and Joseph Chamberlain papers); University of Glasgow Library (MacCallum Scott papers); University of Keele Library (Josiah Wedgwood papers); University of Manchester, John Rylands Library (C. P. Scott papers); University of Newcastle Library; West Sussex Record Office; West Yorkshire Archive Service. vii Introduction This book examines all the major fields of activity of the 1905–15 Liberal governments. Rather than looking again at the series of debates about whether this period witnessed the onset of the ‘decline of Liberalism’, it seeks to understand the governments’ actions by analysing their relationship to definitions of Liberalism. In doing so it builds on a rich and innovative body of historiography. The Edwardian era has been a particularly fruitful site for historians seeking to investi- gate the relationship between ideology and politics. The key text in this field has undoubtedly been Peter Clarke’s Lancashire and the New Liber- alism. But Clarke followed this ground-breaking work with Liberals and Social Democrats and Stefan Collini and Michael Freeden also published distinguished analyses of Liberal politics and thought at about the same time.1 Subsequently, E. H. H. Green and Matthew Fforde have produced contrasting views of the role of ideas in Edwardian Conservatism and Duncan Tanner and Frank Trentmann among others have given serious consideration to the ideology of the early Labour party.2 All these works have argued that while British politics has often claimed to be non-ideo- logical it is impossible to understand how political parties selected their goals and negotiated their approach to political issues without reference to a framework of ideas and a notion of what terms like ‘Liberalism’ and ‘Conservatism’ meant. This does not imply that any Edwardian party had an agreed formal statement of its beliefs. But, as Green has argued, there was still ‘a hinterland of rhetoric, values, and received ideas, which may be expressed in day-to-day political argument, speeches, correspondence, and legislative acts’.3 Through an examination of these areas it is possible to determine what contemporaries understood the aims and parameters of their parties to be and how they sought to shape political argument in ways 1 2 Liberal Government and Politics, 1905–15 that would accord with these ideas. This approach eschews the search for great ideologues before whom politicians had to bow down and instead looks at the assumptions that were implicit in the views and actions of politicians, journalists and MPs. In this sense, ideology was crucial to the functioning of politics. However, the relationship between party and ideology was always fraught and complex. In all parties there were variant interpretations of the party’s values and traditions. Moreover, ideologies were not hermetically sealed within parties. Much of the Liberal approach to politics was shared by many in the Labour party, except on some ques- tions of industrial policy and social reform. Some Liberals, on the other hand, argued that Liberalism had to accommodate other ideologies which did not claim to be specifically Liberal, like those of national security or gender roles, in policy making. Ideology was not and could not be a rigid framework. Its boundaries were always being tested and redefined and its essence was revealed only within the process of argument and debate. This process has been examined in Victorian Liberalism at cabinet level by Jonathan Parry and for popular Liberalism by Eugenio Biagini.4 Both looked at a wide range of policy issues and concluded that Liberalism was not just a bundle of special interest groups or a disparate collection of people who found Conservatism unpalatable and so gathered under the Liberal banner. Instead, at both the elite and popular levels, Liberalism represented a distinctive and reasonably coherent way of looking at the political world. But these wide-ranging studies have not been replicated for the early twentieth-century. Instead, the formative works by historians like Clarke and Freeden have concentrated on the New Liberalism and the ways in which the party’s ideology was adapted to accommodate social reform. This is understandable as these historians were responding to the prevailing orthodoxy of the 1960s and 1970s that Liberalism was doomed to decline by the inevitable rise of the Labour party to be the predominant party of the British left and the wider assumption that the key political development in twentieth- century Britain was the growth of collectivism.5 But it means that the current understanding of Edwardian Liberalism tends to concentrate on just one aspect of party ideology, rather than seeing Liberal attitudes to social reform as one aspect of a wider complex of ideas and debates. General books about the achievements of the 1905–15 governments do not rebalance this equation because they tend to give little space to ideas as opposed to political tactics and legislative outcomes.6 This book seeks to readjust this perspective by examining a broad range of Liberal policies and ideas. By looking at what Liberal governments

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