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I II I· \, Languages of ll Labor and Gender ~1 II !l f1 Female Factory Work [l in Germanyy 1850-1914 11 tl ll II !l tj II l !j KATHLEEN CANNING 1: [l ;i p I! fi'i! IJ ri !: ~ Cornell university Press Ithaca and London 11 li f~ CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS GRATEFULLY ACKNOWLEDGES A To the memory ofP eggy Brennan Canning (1931-68) SUBVENTION FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN WHICH AIDED IN THE PUBLICATION OF THIS BOOK. and Edna Wollensak Brennan (1907-95) Copyright© 1996 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 1996 by Cornell University Press. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Canning, Kathleen, 1953- Languages of labor and gender : female factory work in Germany, 1850-1914 I Kathleen Canning. p. em. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8014-3123-9 (cloth: alk. paper) l. Women employees-Germany-North Rhine-Westphalia-History-19th century. 2. Textile workers-Germany-North Rhine-Westphalia History-19th century. 3. Sexual division of labor-Germany-North Rhine-Westphalia-History-19th century. I. Title. II. Title: Female factory work in Germany, 1850-1914 HD6150.N67C36 1996 33l.4'87'094355090434-dc20 96-793 Printed in the United States of America l€ The paper in this book meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-l984. Contents Preface ix Introduction: German Labor History and the Meanings ofWomen's Work 1 1 Gender and Sexual Politics in the Transition from Home to Factory Industry 16 2 "The Man Transformed into a Maiden"? Feminization in the Textile Industries of the Rhineland and Westphalia 38 3 Sexual Difference and the Social Question in the Transition to the "Industrial State," 1844-1889 85 4 State, Social Body, and Public Sphere: Regulating Female Factory Labor during the 1890s 126 5 Social Policy, Body Politics: Factory Labor, Maternity, and Volks/Wrper, 1900-1914 170 6 Work Experiences, Work Identities: Dissolving the Dichotomy between Home and Work 218 7 Behind the Mill Gate: Gender and the Culture of Work 283 Conclusion 324 Index 333 Preface This inquiry into the languages of labor and gender in Imperial Germany began over a decade ago during a dismal winter in the Prussian State Library in (then) West Berlin. The long days I spent perusing the Social Democratic and Communist women's papers from the Weimar period left me with a set of unanswered questions: about the implicit audience for these papers-the female workers who seemed to figure as objects rather than subjects of the so-called Frauenzeitungen-and about the particularly German genealogies of the identities and rhetorics of class that had come to dominate working-class politics by the turn of the twentieth century. As I worked, focusing on the textile industry as a site of particular gender conflict encompassing the arenas of shop floor and union politics, I con fronted the problematic disjunctures between ideological prescriptions and everyday practices, between the discourses about female factory labor and the experiences of women workers. Having skirted the "outer face" of both workplace and unions, I sought to understand the complex moments of accommodation and resistance on the "inner face" of both (to appropri ate a term from Alf Ludtke). _In the meantime the theoretical and histo riographical contexts in which this inquiry was launched-women's his tory and labor history-were recast and replenished by the "new cultural history," by the shift to gender history and the critical rethinking by schol ars in both fields of the key words "experience," "agency," "discourse," and "identity." My own work of rewriting began amid this sea of change, as I set out to analyze the implications of my empirical fmdings for the tenacious category of "class," to understand the origins of the ideologies of women's work that permeated each aspect of my inquiry, and to probe the complex ways in which both structural and rhetorical transformations shaped female factory work in Germany. I pursued this quest in many academic and geographic milieus over the years, incurring many intellectual and personal debts. My list of thanks Preface xi x Preface also deserve my sincere thanks: the kind and efficient staff at the Nord begins with my teachers at Johns Hopkins lJ_niver~ity: ~ernon Lidtke, rhein-Westfalisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Dusseldorf, and at the Kreisarchiv whose probing and critical questions helped giVe thts proJe~t coheren~e, Viersen; Dr. Reinhard Vogelsang at the Stadtarchiv Bielefeld, who kindly grounding and life and whose counsel and support have smce been m allowed me access to the personnel records of the Mechanische W eberei valuabk Mack Walker, from whom I learned more than is evident on the Bielefeld; the helpful staff at both the Archiv des Deutschen Gewerk surface ~f this book- and Toby Ditz for her indispensable insights into schaftsbundes and the Gewerkschaft Textil-Bekleidung in Dusseldorf; the Eur~pean and Ameri~an family and women's ?istory :md her incisive com firm archivist and personnel director at Joharm Wiilfmg und Sohn in Len ments on an earlier version of this manuscnpt. Thts book also profited nep and the personnel director at the Frowein company in Wuppertal, from the advice of many friends and colleagues: Jean Quataert, who who allowed me access to their firms' invaluable personnel records. I ex prompted me to rethink my analysis _of ~e transit_ion from h?me to fac tend special thanks to Joharmes Lipp of the Heimatverein in Oedt near tory industry; Jane Caplan, Roger Chtckermg, Davtd Crew, Elisabeth Do Krefeld, who shared his knowledge of the local textile industry and intro mansky, Laura Frader, Atina Grossmarm, Michael Hanagan, Young-Sun duced me to the rich findings of the Kreisarchiv Viersen in Kempen and Hong, Isabel Hull, Patrick Joyce, Molly Nolan, J;u_nes ~etall~ck, Mary to the personnel records of the Girmes company. I also learned a great Louise Roberts, Eve Rosenhaft, Bill Sewell, and Lomse Tilly, wtth whom deal from Dr. Jochem Ulrich, who shared his expertise on the textile I discussed my work or who commented on chapter ~afts or conferen~e workers of the Lower Rhine, guided me through partially uncatalogued papers. Robert Moeller and Alf Ludtke deserve spe~1~ thanks for thetr materials at the Stadtarchiv Viersen, and provided me access to the per generous reading of my work at several stages of :evtston. I also express sonnel records of the Crous company. He and his wife, Rosemarie, my appreciation to my German colleagu_es: to Dons Kaufman for help~ were generous hosts during many visits in the Rhineland. Special advice and good company, and to Karm Hausen, Carola Sachse, Kann thanks are also due to Dr. Jurgen Weise of the Rheinisch-Westfalisches Zachmarm, and Christiane Eifert. . Wirtschaftsarchiv in Cologne, whose archival skill as well as friendship, I am perhaps most indebted to my colleagues and ~rien~ at the Umver empathy, and curiosity enriched my study and enlivened my stay in the sity of Michigan, where this book took shape, w~o msptred many o~ ~y Rhineland. attempts to rethink my work and whose companionship and collegtaltty My life in Diisseldorf was made both bearable and interesting by my made doing so less arduous. Geoff Eley's astute comments at a very early friends Usch and Wolfgang Schloeder-Weck and their daughter Anne, stage of this work spurred me on to tackle many of its unanswe~ed que~­ who shared their home with me and much more. I also express my heart tions: both my book and I have benefited enormously from h~s candid felt thanks to Gerda Bullacher, Margot Schloeder, and Jochem Bullacher, advice and incisive readings as well as from our shared expenences as who helped make my research possible in more respects than I can name teachers, mentors, and friends. Bill Rosenberg, Maris Vinovskis, and Terry here. The Bielefeld segment of my research was enriched by various mem McDonald offered wise advice on various aspects of this book. Robert bers of the Fakultat fur Geschichtswissenschaft at the Universitat Bielefeld, Picard and Francine Lafontaine provided invaluable help with the analysis in particular Professors Jurgen Kocka and Hans-Ulrich Wehler, wh~ in and presentation of my empirical data. For camaraderie, good food, and vited me to present my initial findings to their Doktorandencolloqumm, an abundance of intellectual stimulation I thank Jane Burbank, Fred Coo and by Ute Frevert, Claudia Huerkamp, Ute Daniel, Heidrun Homburg, per, Laura Lee Downs, Eleanor and Geoff Eley, Carol !<arisen, Sonya Josef Mooser, Michael Prinz, Rudolf Boch, and Reinhard Schuren, who Rose, Peggy Somers, Michael MacDonald and Carol DICkerman, Lora offered advice and hospitality. I also thank Karl Ditt, who provided many Wildenthal and Carl Caldwell, Sally Silk and Tom Wolfe, and Sharon valuable tips on the history of Bielefeld's textile industry. Gold-Steinberg. I am certain I learned more from my graduate students at Several institutions and foundations made this book possible: the Stan the University of Michigan than I could possibly ha:e tau_ght them. ~n ford Humanities Center, where I was an Andrew W. Mellon Fellow dur particular I thank those who helped with my research, mcluding Lora Wil ing 1991-92; the American Council of Learned Societies, which awarded denthal, Teresa Sanislo, Kathy Pence, Todd Ettelson, Maureen Stewart, me a fellowship for 1992; the German Academic Exchange Service and Andy Donson. (DAAD), which supported my research trip to Germany in the summer of Archivists, scholars, and friends who aided my research in Germany and 1991· the Office of the Vice-President for Research and the Rackham who generously welcomed me back during several subsequent summers ' xu Preface Preface Xlll Graduate School at the University of Michigan for faculty grants and fel Finally, I thank those who have kept closest company with this book lowships to support research and writing; and the Department of History over the years and helped bring it to fruition: Hubert Rast, whose own at the University of Michigan for release time from teaching and adminis gifts as a reader and writer inspired me to write and rewrite countless trative duties during my "duty-off-campus" semester. times, and Samuel Rast, who reminded me daily of all I was missing as I Many parts of this book have been presented at seminars or conferences did so. over the years, including the Department of History Faculty Colloquium KATHLEEN CANNING and the interdisciplinary Program for the Comparative Study of Social Ann Arbor, Michigan Transformation (CSST) at the University of Michigan; the annual meet ings of the Social Science History Association in 1989, 1991, and 1993; the conference "The Kaiserreich in the 1990s: New Research, New Direc tions, New Agendas," held in February 1990 at the University of Pennsyl vania; the annual meetings of the German Studies Association in 1989 and 1991 and of the American Historical Association in 1994; and the confer ence "Gender and Modernity in the Era of Rationalization," held at Co lumbia University in September 1994. I am grateful to those who invited me to present my work in seminars and forums at the German Historical Institute, Washington, D.C.; Georgetown University Center for German and European Studies; the Departments of History at the University of Wisconsin, the University of Washington, Pitzer College, and the Techni sche Universitat Berlin; and the Department of German Studies, Stanford University. Parts of the Introduction and Conclusion appeared in my article "Gen der and the Politics of Class Formation: Rethinking German Labor His tory," American Historical Review 97 (June 1992): 736-68; I thank the American Historical Association for permission to use this material. Other portions of those two chapters first appeared in "Feminist History after the 'Linguistic Turn,"' Signs 19:2 (Winter 1994): 368-404, © 1994 by the University of Chicago, all rights reserved; that material is used here by permission of the University of Chicago Press. Parts of chapters 6 and 7 were published as "Gender and the Culture of Work: Ideology and Iden tity in the World behind the Mill Gate, 1890-1914," in Elections) Mass Politics) and Social Change in Modern Gennany: New Perspectives, ed. James Retallack and Larry Eugene Jones (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 175-99; those sections are reprinted by permission of the publisher. I am also indebted to my editor at Cornell University Press, Peter Agree, whose enthusiasm and support for this project sustained me during the more arduous moments of writing and revision. His advice, both intel lectual and practical, helped my manuscript become the book I had envi sioned. Languages of Labor and Gender Introduction German Labor History and the Meanings ofWomen's Work The history of the transformation of the nineteenth-century German in dustrial landscape is usually written in terms of socioeconomic structures in transition: workshop to factory, community to society, estate to class. A principal aim of this book is to explore the ideologies and politics of gen der as elements of these transformations from the textile mills and towns of the Rhineland and Westphalia to the national arenas of social reform and state social policy between 1850 and 1914. Gender was at the heart of these transitions, from the founding of the first mechanized mills at mid century to the emergence of textiles as the largest industrial employer of women by the First World War. In contrast to the "men's industries" of mining, machine building, and steel, which employed negligible numbers of women before 1914, here conflicts about gender formed a crucial part of the changing meanings and structures of work during the transition from home to factory textile production, as revealed in the dramatic cam paigns of weavers in the Rhineland against "feminization" (Ver weiblichung) of the industry and "displacement" of male workers (Ver driingung) during the 1880s and 1890s. Gender remained a point of contention as the textile industry became the only industrial sector with a sizable female Stammarbeiterschaft (core workforce) during the prewar pe riod. Within the newly mechanized mills, gender shaped the politics of work, defming and dividing the world behind the mill gate, governing how workers perceived and organized work experiences, shop-floor cul tures and protests, the work identities they formed, and the meanings they assigned to the social identity of class. Underpinning this story are a number of German particularities, begin- 2 Introduction German Labor History and the Meanings ofWomen1s Work 3 In the most advanced industrial regions of Germany the dislocation and ning with the protracted transition from h~dicraft production to T?echa disorder associated with the transition from home industry to factory, and nized mills in the northwest German textile belt and the congealmg of with the rapid and visible expansion of female factory labor, lingered well gender-specific labor markets and divisions of labor. As industrial growth into the late 1890s, not only shaping the emergent labor movement but speeded up during the late 1880s and 1890s, factory employers con also sparking the interest of social reformers and social scientists like Al fronted a continuous labor shortage in nearly all sectors, promptmg a seg mentation of the labor market into male and female spheres and a steady fons Thun, Heinrich Herkner, Robert Wilbrandt, and Heinrich Brauns, who investigated, interpreted, and transmitted to the national public this expansion of the female workforce in the "women's industries" of textiles, garments, and cigar making. Germany's rapid industrial growth and recur sense of crisis in the textile towns of the Rhineland and Westphalia.4 It rent labor shortages in industrial regions, like the Rhineland and West formed the backdrop for the parliamentary debates and controversies in phalia after 1890 in particular, meant that single and married women the~e the expanding public sphere about the regulation and restriction of female were drawn into the workforce in unprecedented numbers, whereas m factory labor and thus left its imprint on the interventionist welfare state that emerged in Germany during the 1890s. England, for example, the percentage of married women working outside the home had already begun to decline. 1 Female factory labor came to represent an urgent social problem in Germany, a profound rupture ~ ~e The Textile Industry as a Site of Inquiry relations between the sexes, between social order and sexual order. Smular crises over women's wage labor had occurred across Europe-such as in As a Frauenindustrie (women's industry), the textile industry has not England during the 1830s and 1840s, culminating in the passage of the figured as a central site of inquiry for German labor historians, whose Ten Hours Bill in 1847-as expanding industrial labor markets drew abundant studies of social conditions and organized movements have rele more women into factories and sweatshops.2 The French crisis coincided gated textile workers to the lowest echelon of skill, wage, social status, and with the emergence of female factory employment as a new social question political consciousness, precisely because they were largely female. Textile in Germany and, in particular, with the vigorous campaign for a kgal ban workers and textile mills are central to this inquiry, which in its broadest on married women's factory employment during the 1890s. Unlike the guise explores the significance of women's work in Germany's much-de German debates, in which the separation of home and work figured prom bated transformation from agrarian to industrial state, in contemporaries' inently, with the purported severing of the two spheres in working perceptions of "die Schrecken des iiberwiegenden Industriestaats" (the women's daily lives and the perceived intrusion of the (public) factory into horrors of the industrial state). 5 As the first German industry to move the (private) home as key concerns, the French discourses on women's production from household to factory, textiles became an emblem of mod work focused on sweatshops and home industry, in which the privacy, ernization, of the transformation of technologies and tools, families, com integrity, and order of the working-class family was endangered by the munities, and divisions of labor. The industry also came to signifY the. proximity of production and reproduction, by the absence of boundaries social and sexual dangers associated with the expanding employment of between them. 3 women: the licentiousness of factory culture, the physical and moral ruin of the "female organism," and the social dissolution of the working-class I. The numbers of married women working outside the home nearly doubled in Ger family. The textile industry posed unique dangers to masculine identity as many between the census surveys of 1882 and 1907. In the four years between 1895 and well, for in the narratives of social reform and weavers' protest, the mecha 1899, the proportion of married women among adult female factory workers rose sharply fro?I 21 to 29 percent. See chapter 1 for a more detailed discussion of the female labor market m nized textile mills symbolized "the problem of female competition in cap- imperial Germany. See, for example, Stefan Bajohr, Die Hiilfte der Fabrik, Geschichte der Frauenar beit in Deutschland (Marburg: Verlag Arbeiterbewegung und Gesellschafrswissenschafi:, 1979), p. 4. Alfons Thun, Die Industrie am Niederrhein und ihre Arbeiter: Staats- und sozial 25, and Hanus Dom, "Die Frauenerwerbsarbeit und ihre Aufgaben fiir die Gesetzgebung," wissenschaftliche Forschungen, vols. 1 and 2 (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1879); Robert Archiv for Rechts-und Wirtschaftsphilosophie 5 (1911-12): 86-87. Wilbrandt, Die Weber in der Gegenwart (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1906), and idem, Die 2. See, for example, Sonya 0. Rose, "Factory Reform in Nineteenth Cenmry Britain: Frau~narbeit: Bin Problem des Kapitalismus (Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1906); Heinrich Brauns, Gender, Class and the Liberal State," in Gender and Class in Modern Europe, ed. Laura L. Der Ubergang von der Handweberei zum Fabrikbetrieb in der niederrheinischen Samt-und Seiden Frader and Sonya 0. Rose (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), and Robert Gray, "The industrie und die Lage der Arbeiter in dieser Periode (Leipzig: Duncker und Humblot, 1906); Language of Factory Reform in Britain, c. 1830-1860," in The Historical Meanings of Work, Heinrich Herkner, Die ArbeiteifTage. Eine Einfohrung, 4th ed. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1905), first published in 1894. ed. Patrick Joyce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 143-79. 3. Judith Coffm, "Social Science Meets Sweated Labor: Reinterpreting Women's Work 5. Lujo Brentano, Die Schrecken des iiberwiegenden Industriestaats (Berlin: Leonhard Sim in Late Nineteenth-Cenmry France," Journal of Modern History 63, no. 2 (1991): 230-70. ion, 1901). German Labor History and the Meanings ofWomenys Work 5 4 Introduction italism": they were the first factories to make male workers superfluous, to example, by changing market relations and the expansion of wage labor).8 "cast the Familienviiter [fathers of families] into the streets. "6 The pervasiveness of the divisions between economic, social, cultural, and Textile mills, with their large contingents of female and teenage work political class formation, of the dichotomies between the class and "non ers, captured both the experts' gaze and the public imaginatio~ as the class" lines of differentiation-ethnicity, nationality, religion, and gen long-term effects of women's factory employment on the working-class der-that run "next to, over, under or across class divisions," led its pro family came to constitute a new social question. The industry set the stage ponents to implicitly or explicitly exclude female textile workers, servants, for social reform and state social policy initiatives toward women workers, and agricultural and home industrial employees from the decisive domain in particular for the formulation of protective labor legislation and the of German labor history-class-based on their low wages and status, lack renovation of social policy that took place during the "new course" of the of Berufsidentitiit (identification with their jobs), or dispersed and dispa 1890s/ The mills came to constitute a complex laboratory, a site of inves rate sites of employment.9 Underpinning both the more and the less tele tigation and intervention for state bureaucrats and academic social re ological versions of this approach to the history of class are the gendered formers who sought to alleviate the abuses of factory labor for women an~ narratives of the labor movement itself and the social identity of class they youths and to resolve the crisis of the family that accompanied the transi constructed.10 Despite its universalist claims, the dominant social identity tion from home to factory industry. Indeed, their scholarly inquests, par and rhetoric of class of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries liamentary motions, and polemical tracts had a formative part in the ex was cast in terms of a certain idealized relationship to production, a rigid pansion of the German welfare state during the 1890s. Mter the turn of demarcation between work and "nonwork," production and reproduction, the century, as concern about the declining German birthrate deepened that by defmition excluded most female workers. A closer scrutiny of the and social reform became ever more interwoven with social hygiene and relationships between the various levels of class formation makes it clear eugenics, the high rates of illegitimacy, illness, and infant and matern_al that women workers cannot be made to fit into the progression from one mortality among textile workers and their children figured importantly m level to another, for the attempt to fmd a place for gender and women in the public perception of a "state of emergency'' surrounding workin!:?-class this model disarranges teleologies, blurs boundaries between levels, or motherhood. They also inspired and underpinned the efforts of social re breaks the model apart altogether. formers to enact maternity insurance, pregnancy leave, and other protec Far from a new interrogation of established concepts and categories, Germany's preeminent labor historians have recently undertaken a massive tive measures for mothers and children. 8. For a call to "push at the boundaries" of labor history, see Gay Gullickson, "Commen tary: New Labor History from the Perspective of a Women's Historian," in Rethinking Labor The Boundaries of German Labor History History: Essays on Discourse and Class Analysis, ed. Lenard Berlanstein (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), p. 207. 9. Jiirgen Kocka, Lohnarbeit und Klassenbildung: Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung in Although the textile industry is neither typical nor representative_ of the Deutschland, 1800-1875 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz, 1983), p. 29. Also see his Weder Stand noch German patterns of industrial transformation, welfare-state formation, or Klasse: Unterschiehten um 1800 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz, 1990), pp. 38-39, and Arbeits the emergence of class cultures or conflicts, I argue here that it forms a verhiiltnisse und Arbeiterexistenzen: Grundlagen der Klassenbildung im 19. Ja hrhundert (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz, 1990) (vols. 1 and 2 of the series Geschichte der Arbeiter und der Arbeiter singular site of linkage among these processes from the mid-nineteenth bewegung in Deutschland seit dem Ende des 18. Jal!rhundens, edited by Gerhard A. Ritter). century through the eve of the First World War. In its emphasis on such I am using the term "nondass" for Kocka's "nicht klassenmaBige Trennungslinien." linkage, this book seeks to "push at the boundaries" of German labor his 10. Two somewhat different explications of the levels model can be found in Hartmut tory, to transcend its narrative strictures and structures, its embeddedness Zwa!Jr, Zur Konstituierung des Proletariats als Klasse: Strukturuntersuchung fiber das Leipziger Proletariat wiihrend der Industriellen Revolution (Berlin: Akademie, 1978), and Jiirgen Kocka, in an Entwicklungs- und Verlaufsmodell of class formation-a model that "Problems of Working-Class Formation: The Early Years, 1800-1875," in Working-Class outlines the progressive advancement of the various levels of class forma Formation: Nineteenth-Century Patterns in Western Europe and the United States, ed. Ira Katz tion as shaped less by human actors than by structures and processes (for nelson and Aristide Zolberg (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 279-351. Kocka's models are generally regarded as far less teleological (in the sense of explicit political 6. Wilbrandt, Die Weber, pp. 1, 124. . outcomes at the final, foutth level of class formation) than Zwa!Jr's. For a critical discussion 7. On the "new course" in social policy, see Hans Jorg von Berlepsch, "Neuer Kurs" zm of both versions of the levels model, see Kathleen Canning, "Gender and the Politics of Class Kaiserreich? Die Arbeiterpolitik des Freiherrn von Berlepsch 1890 bis 1896 (Bonn: Neue Gesell Formation: Rethinking German Labor History," American Historical Review 97 (June 1992): schaft, 1987). 736-68.

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