Justin Martyr: His Life and Thought

102 Pages·08.884 MB·English

by  L. W. Barnard

JUSTIN MARTYR
MARTYR
JUSTIN
HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT
BY
L.W. BARNARD
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
r 967
Published by the S1'ndics of the Cambridge University press
Bentley }Iouse, 2oo Euston Road, London, NiW. r
American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New york, N.y. roozz CONTENTS
@ Cambridge University press r967
Prefuce
page vli
Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number: 66_1666<
Abbreuiations
viii
r Life, Conversiona nd Martyrdom
T
rr Justin's Works r+
rrr Background: Greek philosophy
27
rv Background:
Judaism
39
\z Background: The Christian Tradition
53
\r Doctrine of God
75
vrr The Logos
B5
vrrr The Holy Spirit and the Trinity: The Angelic
Powers
IOI
rx Creation, Incarnation and Redemption
III
x Church and Sacramenrc
r26
xr The Christian Life
I5I
xrr Eschatology
r57
xlrr Conclusion
r69
A P PENDICES
r Works attributed to Justin r72
z Hadrian's Letter to Minucius Fundanus r73
3 Justin's Old Testament Text r75
4 Harnack on the Elementsu sedi n the Eucharist r77
SelecBt ibliography
rBo
Printed in Great Britain Index of References
the University Printing House, Cambridge t85
(Brooke Crutchley, University printer) GeneraIln dex
I90
r28 44
PREFACE
JusrrN Manrvn wast he mosti mportantof the second-century
GreekA pologists,y et he hasu sually beenr egardeda sb ut one of
a larger group of writers who reflected,i n their presentationo f
Christianity, the intellectual currentso f the age.T his treatment
is reflectedi n the paucity of books specificallyc oncernedw ith
Justin. The last full treatment of his theology in English was
written as long ago as r9z3 and, having been publishedi nJena
in Germany, is now almost impossiblet o obtain. This fact has
doneJ ustin a real injustice,f or he was a pioneer Apologist and
the others, such as Tatian and Athenagoras, were heavily
indebted to him. It is not without justice that the doyen of
German patristic scholars,B aron von Campenhausenh, as said
that nearly all the Greek Fathers of the Church were, con-
sciouslyo r unconsciously,h is imitators.l
In this book I have attempted to give a coherent account of
Justin's thought, paying special attention to his background in
Greek philosophy and Judaism. Recent study has enabled this
background to be portrayed with sharper accuracy and the
interpretation of Justin, in these pages,t akes account of this
work. I have discussedm any problems concerning Justin's
background with the Reverend J. H. Davies and wish to
acknowledget he help which this contact has given. I am also
grateful to my old Oxford tutor, the ReverendL . B. Cross,w ho
first introduced me to the Greek Fathers of the Church.
This book has been written during the odd moments which
could be spared from a busy parochial ministry. I have found
much food for thought and also encouragement from the
example of this Apologist who rose so triumphantly above his
material and who, in one bold stroke, summed up the whole
history of the human race in Christ. Justin, whatever his faults
and the incompletenesso f his theology, was a man with a
I The Fatherso f the GreekC hurch( London, 1963), p. 15.
vii
P RE FACE
mission. His Christian philosophy was no neat academic
amalgam of Plato and Christianity. For him Christianity was CHAPTER I
philosophic truth itself and to its service he devoted his life
with unswerving courage, honesty and. audacity. What more LIFtr, CONVERSION AND
could be askedo f anv Christian ? MARTYRDOM
L.W.B.
All SaintsR ector2
THE AGE OF THE APOLOGISTS
I[inchester
CnnrsrraNrry was born within a Jewish cradle and it was
natural that the earliest attempts at a theological formulation
of its doctrines should have been expressedi nJewish terms. It
ABBREVIATI ONS was not long however before the Gospel had spread into the
great cities of the Graeco-Roman world where it could not
B.J.R.L. Bulletin of John R2landsL ibrar2. be assumed that converts to the new faith would be acouainted
with the Jewish Scriptures or even with the monotheistic
C.q. ClassicaQl tarterly. worship of Judaism. It is true that numbers of god-fearers, or
C.q.R. Churchf uarterly Reuiew. religious inquirers, had attached themselves to the synagogues
and that many of these had become attracted to Christianity
D.C.B. Dictionaryo f ChristianB iograph2. through the medium of HellenisticJudaism. Nevertheless, there
E.R.E Enc2clopadioaf Religiona nd Ethics. was the wider pagan world-sometimes indifferent, sometimes
avowedly hostile-which misrepresented Christian teaching
J.B.L. Journal of Biblical Literature. and spread calumnies against Christians.
J.q.R. Jewish fuarterl2 Reuieza. The earliest Christian writings outside the New Testament,
known as the Apostolic Fathers,l .lvere not concerned with this
J.f.S. Journal of TheologicaSl tudies. wider pagan world. Their concern was rather with the con-
jV. f.S. New TestamenSt tudies. solidation of the little Christian communities spread throughout
the Graeco-Roman world. They dealt with such problems as
R. Bdn. ReuueB dnddictine. internal schism (I Clement); pre-baptismal instruction and the
R. BibI. ReuueB iblique. ordering of Church Services (Didache); the problem of re-
pentance (Hermas); the Unity of the Church (Ignatius); the
R.H.E. Reaued'histoireeccldsiastique. sin of avarice (Polycarp); how the Old Testament is to be
R.H.P.R. Reaued 'histoiree t dep hilosophiere ligieuses. interpreted (Barnabas). These writers, for the most part con-
servative in outlook, were dealing with definite practical and
.R.,S.R. Reuued ess ciencerse ligieuses.
moral problems which the Church of their day was facing.
T. A U. Texteu nd (Jntersuchunpen, lVhen they are judged in the light of these practical considera-
tions, and not as speculative theologians, their achievements
V.C. Vigiliae Christianae.
are impressive. However, even within the Apostolic age Christi-
V.T. VetusT estamentum. anity had come into contact with the wider Roman world, as
<.N.f .W. (eitschriftf ar die neutestamentlicWheis senschaft. 1 The Epistle to Diognetus should not strictly be classedw ith the
ApostolicF athersa si t is an Apology.
viii Bt M
JUSTIN MARTYR LIFE, CONVERSION AND MARTYRDOM
represented by its Got'ernors and pro-Consuls, and the need cruel wrongs perpetrated in his name. The Christian way of
became apparent for an apologia,o r defence of the faith, to that life had to be shorvn as the highest ideal of ethical conduct which
world. In one aspectL uke-Acts is an attempt to provide such an the rvorld had yet seen. Yet apologia,o r the case for the defence,
apologiaw hoever Theophilus may have been. In this connection embraced far more than the refutation of these attacks-and
it is an interesting fact that the first Chistian books found on that was not difficult. It was based on the magnificent defence
rolls, in contrast to the usual Codex form, are Luke and Acts, which Socrates had made at his trial before the people of
which may point to their having been designed for a non- Athens in which he showed the essential rationality of his
Christian public.l It was, however, one thing to write a Gospel position. The Christian Apologists therefore set themselves the
'Good
or News' with a non-Christian audience in mind. It was wider task of showing how Chrrq{4!!y -iyal the_ q_q1b_-o_4iTent
another thing to face persecution and hostile misrepresentations of the noblest conceplions o{ Qree! p*hilosophy_-a ,nd-.wart_h e
of the faith. truth par exc:eilence.Info llowing this path the mantle ofJudaism
'locPale rnseactuurteio-nc einrt atihnely eanrloy 'Cgheunrecrha l'w paes rmseacinultyio no fo cac usrproerda dbiec,- ftealkl eunp tohne sCahmriest tiaasnkit iyn. dJeofseenpcheu osf Jaundda iPsmhi-lPo hhilaod, alirne apdayr tiucnudlaerr,-
fore the time of Diocletian. Nevertheless, individual Christians, had sought to bridge the gulf between the Jewish and Hellen-
in some areas, did go in fear of their lives with the hated delator istic u'orlds. It is a fact often forgotten that following on the
or informer never far away. Domitian, at the end of the first reconstruction ofJudaism atJamnia, when Rabbinism came to
century, selected his victims one by one and disposed of them the fore, Philo's writings u'ere in all probability not preserved
with a stealth and lack of pity worthy of Stalin's Russia. Mob by Jewsl but by the Church.
violence was also always a threat whipped up, as it sometimes In addition to the refutation of calumnies and the presenta-
was, by strange distortions of Christian teaching and practice . tion of Christianity as a rational faith the Apologists were also
The case of Demetrius in Acts xix shows that once the new faith concerned with the questionings of thoughtful men. The object
opposed traditional ways and practices then trouble soon en- and form of Christian Worship and the character of the
sued. A faith which shunned popular vices and amusements Christian life were clearly the subject of much discussion in
provoked a hatred which took the form of blackening the certain circles. The introduction to the Epistle to Diognetus
character of Christians. A faith which forbad its followers to gives an interesting insight into these questionings:
sacrifice to the State deities-and especially to the geniuso f the
Bmperor-could only be held, it was said, by a community of Since I perceive,m ost excellentD iognetus,t hat you are exceedingly
atheists capable of any crime. The Christians were therefore zealoust o learn the religion of the Christians and are asking very
accused of all kinds of wickedness. Their assembliesf or worship, clear and careful questionsc oncerning them, both who is the God in
instruction and for the celebration of the Eucharist were none whom they believe, and how they worship him, so that all disregard
other than secret gatherings for incest, child murder and the world and despised eath, and do nof reckon as gods those who
cannibalism. Such calumnies no doubt came to the notice of are consideredt o be so by the Greeks, nor keep the superstition of
the Roman authorities who, while not encouraging false the Jews, and what is the love which they have io. one another. and
why this new race or practice has come to life at this time, and not
accusations, could not totally ignore them.
tormerly; I indeed welcome this zeal in you, and I ask from God who
The appearance of the Christian Apologists is an indication
bestowso n us the power both of speakinga nd of hearing, that it may
that the Church took thesec alumnies seriouslya nd had decided be granted to me so to speakt hat you may benefit som uch as possible
to do something about them. Christians had to be vindicated !l Volrr hearing, and to you so to hear that I may not be ^ud. ,or.y
against false accusations;t he Emperor himself must hear of the Ior my speech( ch. i).
1 C. H. Roberts,S andarsL ecturesa t CambridgeF, ebruaryr 96r, quoted , I The firstJ ew to mentionP hilo by name afrer his time is A. de Rossi
in C. F. D, Moule, TheB irth of theN eu Testame(nLt ondon,1 96z),p . 92. \4.D.r 573).
2
JUSTIN MARTYR LIFE, CONVERSION AND MARTYRDOM
The earliest Christian Apologies, those of quadratus and contemporary philosophv and culture. Yet his testimony to
Aristides,a re assignedto the reign of Hadrian by Eusebius,lb ut Christianity as the true philosophy is one of the most important
it now seemsm ore likely that the latter was in fact presentedt o that has come down from the second century. Justin belonged to
Antoninus Pius some time before the year e.o. r47 when a generation which was still in touch with those who had
Marcus Aurelius became joint Empercn. The reign of An- known Our Lord's Apostles; but these were advanced in years
toninus( e.n. r38-61) and that of his successoMr arcusA urelius and everywhere in the Church new men, new thoughts were
(a.n. r6r-[]o) covereda period of peacea nd prosperityi n the arising to do battle for the faith.l
history of the Empire-perhaps the happiesty ears the Empire Our knowledge of the life of Justin comes almost entirely
had knolvn.2 Antoninus was a broad-minded ruler who en- from his own writings, for Eusebius does little more than collect
couragedt he philosophersa nd literary writers of the Latin and these notices. He was born at Flavia Neapolis,2 a city not far
Greek traditions who flocked to his court. His conception of from the ruins of Sychem, which had been named in honour of
, Government, like that of Aurelius, was influenced by t-heS toic the Emperor Vespasian. Justin was, in consequence, a Samari-
belief in a divine Reason directing the Universe. This period tan by birth although nothing in his writings suggestst hat he
was suitablef or the production of Apologies.A riston andJustin was familiar with Samaritan traditions or religion. He did not
Martyr defended Christianity against Jewish attacks; Justin, hear of Moses and the Prophets until well on in life. He classes
followed by Tatian, Athenagoras,T heophilus of Antioch and himself with those Gentiles to whom the Gospel was opened
Melito of Sardis, argued for the truth of the new religion as when the main mass of the house ofJacob rejected it.3 He speaks
against polytheism and philosophy and demanded its recog- of being brought up in Gentile customs, of being uncircumciseda
nition by the State.T heJewish Christian Hegesippusp roduced and of having received a Greek education.s The name of his
the first ecclesiasticaclh ronicle while the growth of Gnosticism grandfather Bacchius is Greek; of his father Priscus and of
and Marcionism called forth defenceso f the taditional faith himself Latin. Little can be salvaged from these details-
from within the Church. Unfortunately, many Christian possibly Justin's ancestors were colonists who had settled in
writings, including not a few Apologies, have been lost from Flavia Neapolis soon after its establishment.
this period, and the literary productionsw hich remain are but We are on no firmer ground in regard to the date of his birth.
scatteredf ragmentso f what was once a large body of material. According to Epiphaniuso Justin was martyred under Hadrian
when only thirty years of age; but as this date for his martyrdom
The subjecto f this book,Justin Martyr, representsa pioneer is almost certainly wrong we cannot place any credence on the
type of Greek Apologist. He is concerned not only with the age given. We only know that Justin taught at Rome in the
refutation of attacksa gainstC hristiansa ndJervisho bjections;h e reign of Antoninus PiusT and that he was martyred under
is also concerned to show that philosophy is truth, reason a Marcus Aurelius,8 from rvhich we infer that his birth occurred
spiritual power and Christianity the fulnesso f both.eJustin was either late in the first century or early in the second. Justin's
not a clear thinker, if he is judged by the side of Tertullian, writings are full of vigour and do not suggest that he was of an
Origen or St Augustine. In spite of his varied contacts with advanced age at the time of his death. His martyrdom seems
leading philosophiesit cannot be said that he had fully mastered to have been the outcome of a conflict with a certain Crescens
1 H.E. iv. 3. the Cynic whomJustin had convicted of ignorance. 'Crescens,'
2 Note the remarks of Gibbon, Declinea nd Fall, ch. rrr: 'If a man were 1 Carrington, The Ear\ Christian Church (z vols. Cambridge, t957),
called to fix the period in the history of the world during which the con- rI, ro7.
dition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would, without 2 I Apol. i. 3 I Apol. Ilii. a Dial. xxix.
hesitation, rrame that which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the 5 Dial. it.. 6 Haer. xlvi. r. ? Eus. I/.8. iv. II.
accessiono f Commodus.' I lbid. 16.
3 Westcott, Can on of theN ew Tes t amcnt( Cambridge and London, r 88 r ), p. 65.
JUSTIN MARTYR LIFE, CONVERSION AND MARTYRDOM
Tatian writes, 'who made himself a nest in Rome, while pro- ledge of the truth. Undaunted, Justin next goes to a celebrated
fessing to despise death, proved his fear of ft by scheming to Pythagorean teacher only to be told that a long course in
bring Justin and myself to death as to an evil thing.'1 Tatian music, astronomy and geometry is needed before the soul can
does not assert that Crescens succeeded, but in Justin's Second attain to invisible realities. On learning ofJustin's ignorance in
Apolog we have ominous forebodings that this may happen.2 these disciplines the teacher dismisses him somewhat con-
Certainly the reality of his martyrdom in the cause of Christ temptuously. Finally Justin, in a restless condition, spends
'who
is attested by Eusebius and also by his historic title. For an much time with a Platonist had lately settled in our city'.1
'the
actual account of his death we are dependent on the Acts of The Platonic philosophy immediately impresses him:
his Martyrdom which embody the third-centuly tradition of the perception of immaterial things quite overpowered me, and the
death-scene.3 Justin and his companions, according to this contemplation of ideas furnished my mind with wings'.2 He
account, are brought before Rusticus, the prefect of Rome, and supposed that before long he would look upon God-the
are simply commanded to sacrifice to the gods-there is no supreme goal of Plato's philosophy.
mention of Crescens or ofJustin's writings. Justin, on examina- It was while a Platonist that Justin became a Christian. He
tion, testifies to Christianity as the truth. He confessest hat he meets an old man while meditating in a field who points him
'certain
has held meetings, on his second visit to Rome, in the house of to the Hebrew prophets: men more ancient than all
one Martinus at the baths of Timotinus-although only there. those who are esteemed philosophers, both righteous and be-
After a brave refusal to sacrifice Justin and those with him are loved by God, who spoke by the Divine Spirit, and foretold
condemned to be beaten with rods and beheaded. They pass events which would take place, and which are now taking
to their death praising God and confessing Christ; later faithful place'.3 These prophets were witnesses to the truth above all
Christians secretly carry off their bodies in order to give them demonstration, and worthy of belief; they glorified God as
a fit burial. Creator and Father and proclaimed his Son, the Christ. The
'Pray
Although the actual date of Justin's birth is uncertain, as old man concludes: that, above all things, the gates of
with so many other figures in early Christian history, we are on Iight may be opened to you; for these things cannot be per-
fi.rmer ground as to the details of his later life. In the opening ceived or understood by all, but only by the man to whom God
chapters of the Dialogue with Trypho he gives a graphic account and his Christ have imparted wisdom.'a The old man departs
'
of the studies through which he had passed before becoming Ieaving a flame kindled in Justin's soul: a love of the prophets,
converted to the Christian Faith. From youth Justin appears and of those men who are friends of Christ, possessedm e'.5
to have been of an earnest and religious type of mind intent Christianity was the one, sure, worthy philosophy.
upon finding intellectual peace and satisfaction. He reverences This account of Justin's studies and conversion has been
above all philosophers: 'for philosophy is, in fact, the greatest assailed by some scholars as an idealisation. In the opinion of
possession, and most honourable before God, to whom it E. R. Goodenough'Justin, in the entire passage,is dramatizing
leads us and alone commends us; and these are truly holy men the relations between Christianity and philosophy and has
who have bestowed attention on philosophy'.4 With this hope adopted the familiar convention of relating someone's adven-
in mind he undergoes instruction from a Stoic teacher only to tures in passing from school to school, and finally in the Christian
be disappointed in his quest. Then he tries a Peripatetic only school, in order to criticize each school by the adventures
to find him more concerned about his fee than with the know- related'.6 Goodenough instances the parallel between this
I Oratiox xxii; cf. Eus. 1LE. iv. 16. 2 II Apol. iii. 'lt^).tr,.a.-l..! Lr. -brther -blavia Neapolis or Ephesus where the Dialogue with
3 A good recent translation is that of E. R. Hardy, Faithful Witnesses Trypho is located. 2 Dial. ii. 3 Dial. vii.
(London, 196o), pp. 65-9. For the original see AusgewdhltzM rirt2rerakten a Dial, vLi. 5 Dial. viii.
(ed. G. Kriiger) (3rd ed. Tiibingen, rgzg). a Dial. ii. 6 The Theologto f Justin Marlr (Jena, rgz3), pp. 5B-9.
6
JUSTIN MARTYR LIFE, CONVERSION AND MARTYRDOM
account of Justin and Lucian's Menippus chs. iv-vi-a this to be a retrospective description which causesJ ustin some
contemporary piece of rvriting.l In this Nlerrippus describes embarrassment and bears unmistakable signs of tendentious-
how hc went through several schools of philosophy and gave ncss (tendenlioser).T hr-rs there is no mistaking the ironic under-
them up because their mutual contradictions convinced him tone whenJustin describes how the Peripatetic, whom he visits,
'in
that none could speak with authority. This is the conventional- demands money order that our intercourse might not be
isation of a well-known literary form. Goodenough also unprofitable' (Dial. ii. a). This allusion to material cupidity is,
suggests that the same form, borrowed from the Greeks, was as we learn from Lucian and Ailios Aristides,l a favourite theme
used by the Tannaim to describe the three types of true in contemporary polemics against philosophers. But it is pre-
proselytes to Judaism, Githro, Naaman and Rahab, rvho go cisely these tendentious features in Justin's description which,
through ali the heathen cults and schoolsw ithout finding peace. according to Andresen, point to Middle Platonism. Foritwas the
They ultimately find their rcst and peace in the haven of the Platonism of the Schools (Schulplatonismus)w, ith its fundament-
Law and the Prophets.2 ally religious attitude, which determined the climate ofthe age-
It is of course true that there rvas a Greek literary convention not least in its opinion of other philosophical systems. So Justin
which related adventures in various schools of thought in order can speako f the great fame enjoyed by the Platonists (Dial.ii.7).
'I
to criticise these schools. But Justin's account of his actual con- Andresen next considersJ ustin's statement: surrendered
version, given in great detaii with many iocal touches, cannot myself to a certain Stoic; and having spent a considerable time
be separated from the preceding account of his experiences in with him, when I had not acquired any further knowledge of
different philosophic schools. On Goodenough's admission God (for he did not know himself, and said such instruction was
'the
two narratives are one, unbroken by any transition'.3 unnecessary) I left him.. .' (Dial. ii. 3). This description of a
And it is precisely Justin's account of his actual conversion Stoic who did not think much of religion or piety seems in-
at the hands of an old man which has the ring of truth about credible.2 Andresen believes that in this description we have
it and gives an adequate explanation of his later work as a thejudgement of Middle Platonism for whose platonist spiritual-
Christian philosopher. It is true that converts to any religion ism the Stoic monistic conception of God was intolerable.s
tend to paint their pre-conversion life in the darkest hues. But It is the Peripatetic whom Justin depicts in the most un-
to admit an element of idealisation and tendentiousness is favourable light, for he doubts whether he can be considered a
something different from saying tha t the wh oI e acc o unti s a conven- plrilosopher at all (Dial. ii. 3). It is well known that in some of its
tional literary form taken over and later dressed up by Justin. representatives the philosophy of Middle Platonism is acutely
A different approach to this problem is that of C. Andresen opposed to the Peripatetics. Aristotle is blamed because his
in an articleaw hich makes a real contribution toJustin studies. cosmology endangered the idea of divine providence and his
Andresen seekst o show that Justin's philosophical background theory of the fifth element the immortality of the soul.a These
can best be explained and understood by reference to Middle are however fundamental dogmas of Schulplatonismusw hich
'god-
Platonism. We shall examine his thesis in another chapter5 regarded Aristotle and Epicurus as the representatives of
and confine ourselves here to Andresen's view of Justin's lessness'l tar excellenceA.5n dresen thinks that through considera-
philosophical quest before his conversionG as recorded in the tions of this kind Justin arrived at his opinion about the
second chapter of the Dialogue with Trypho. Andresen believes Peripatetic teachers.
1 Goodenoughis here following Hekn, Lucianu ndM eni.ppp, p. 40 f. r Lucian,D ial. mort.x . r r; A. Aristides,O r. 45.
2 Goldfahn quoted by Goodenough,T heologot f JustinM artltr, p. 59. 2 G. Bardy,' SaintJustine t la philosophies toicienne'l,? .^S.Rxn. r (rge3),
s lbid. p. 58. .193f .
a 'Justinu nd der mittlereP latonismus/'.,N .T.t{.xrrv (r952-9),I 57-95. 3 Plutarch,D e eommn.o tit.g t f.; De defectrug . z4; De Stoicr,e pugn3,t -4.
5 ChapterI n. I Z.N.T.W. xrtv (rg5z-3),1 6o-3. { Atticus-EuPs.r aepE.u .x v.5,6f. 5 Cf. Origene, .Cels.r.2rv;r rr.45.
JUSTIN MARTYR LIFE, CONVERSION AND MARTYRDOM
Justin is more favourably disposed towards his Pythagorean In such cases we should expect the tendentious element to be
teacher whom he describes as very celebrated and one who smallcr than with people who had had more dramatic experi-
tlrought highly about wisdom (Dial. ii.4). This teacher names ences.W e have already noted the strongly personal character
music, astronomy and geometry as the condition for a success- of Justin's philosophical search as recorded in Dial. ii. It is
ful study of philosophy. The sentiments which Justin, in his difficult to believe that this is simply a later creation born of his
survey, puts into the mouth of the Pythagorean are, according to experiences u'ith the Middle Platonists. Formgeschichteis a
Andresen, those of Middle Platonism. Thus Theon of Smyrna valuable critical tool, but in itselfit can passn ojudgement on the
'That
puts forward in his work, the fundamental sciences historicity of the traditions which it handles. In our judgement
are useful for the study of Plato', the view that Plato largely the account of Justin's philosophical quest as recorded in
followed the Pythagoreans.l And Albinus justifies the philo- Dial. i1 is based on sound historical tradition-namely, that
sophical propaedeutic of the fundamental sciencesb y claiming Justin reall2 underwent instruction at the hands of a Stoic
that they abstract from the world of phenomena and direct teacher, a Peripatetic, a Pythagorean and finally the Platonists.
thought to the world of the intelligence.2 This favourable vierv His rvas a typical experience born of the eclecticism of the age.
of Pythagoreanism among the Middle Platonists is also re- Pupils, in those days, passed from teacher to teacher in their
sponsible forJustin's statement that Plato and Pythagoras have search for philosophic truth almost as a matter of course. But
been'as a wall and fortresso f philosophy to us' (Dial. v.6), to maintain the essential historicity ofJustin's account is not to
i.e. they gave philosophy its religious aim and direction. So deny that his views on the various philosophical schools may
the School Platonists equate the Platonist definition of telosa s have been given an edge from his instruction in Middle
'likeness 'follow
to God' with the Pythagorean telos God" Platonism. Is it impossible that Justin's experiences may
Justin's favourable judgement of his Pythagorearr teacher thus have agreed with the criticism of the Platonist schools? To
coincides with that of the Middle Platonists. Andresen believes admit an element of tendentiousness is different from denying
that the opening conversation of the Dialogue with Trypho to Justin's account essential roots in his personal history. It
reflects in toto the beliefs of the Middle Platonism of the was his varied experiences in the different schools which give
schools. an adequate explanation of his later work as a Christian
This approach is clearly based on the Form Critical method philosopher. He only found the truth after much searching. It
(Formgeschichtew)h ich has been applied by many scholars to the was therefore natural that he should wear the philosopher's
study of the Gospel narratives. For Andresen Justin l\4artyr's cloak, even after his conversion, call himself a philosopher and
training in the Middle Platonist schoolsi s tlnes itz-im-lebenwhich invite men to enter his school.l
has shaped and determined his view of other philosophical Justin's writings show that one other motif deeply affected his
systems and teachers and affected the account of his pre-con- conversion. This was the steadfastnesso f Christians under perse-
version studies. There is some truth in this. Ali of us are cution at which he never ceasedt o wonder: 'I myself, too, when
affected, to a greater or lesser degree, by our immediate en- I was delighting in the doctrines of Plato, and heard the
vironment. We look at the past-and this is particularly true Christians slandered, and saw them fearlesso f death, and of all
of the religious convert-from a particulat sit<'im-leben'B ut it other things which are counted fearful, perceived that it was
'twice
is worth remembering that Justin was not a born' impossible that they could be living in wickedness and
Christian. He experienced nothing like the dramatic convers- pleasure.'z This moral steadfastness,i n contrast to the lack of
ion of a St Paul or a St Augustine. Christianity was for him the morai reality in so much contemporary philosophy, is men-
true philosophy and throughout his days he retained the im- tioned elsewhere in the Apologies.3 It clearly had a great in-
press of his passage from an imperfect to a perfect philosophy.
I DiaI. i. 2 II Apol. xii.
I Ed. Hillrr, Iz, to f. 2 Didask.v ii. rGr, g f. 3 I Apol. viii, xi inter alia.
IO II