Loughborough University Institutional Repository Justice, order and anarchy: the international political theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) ThisitemwassubmittedtoLoughboroughUniversity’sInstitutionalRepository by the/an author. Additional Information: • Doctoral Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Award of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University. Metadata Record: https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12162 Publisher: (cid:13)c W.A.L. Prichard Please cite the published version. This item was submitted to Loughborough University as a PhD thesis by the author and is made available in the Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ For Social Justice i ii Justice, Order and Anarchy: The International Political Theory Of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) W. A. L. Prichard Doctoral Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Award of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University 3rd April 2008 © by W. A. L. Prichard, 2008 iii The Lisbon Earthquake Voltaire (1755) D’inutiles douleurs éternel entretien! Philosophes trompés qui criez: “Tout est Bien” Accourez, contemplez ces ruines affereuses, Ces débris, ces lambeaux, ces cendres malheureuses, Ces femmes, ces enfants l’un sur l’autre entassés, Sous ces marbres rompus ces members dispersés; Direz-vous, C’est l’effet des éternelles lois Qui d’un Dieu libre et bon nécessitent le choix? Non, ne présentez plus à mon coeur agité Ces immuables lois de la necéssité, Cette chaîne des corps, des esprits, et des mondes O rêves de savants! O chimères profondes! Dieu tient en main la chaîne, et n’est point enchaîné; Par son choix bienfaisant tout est déterminé, Il est libre, il est juste, il n’est point implacable. Pourquoi donc suffrons-nous sous un maître équitable? iv Abstract This thesis provides a contextualised exegesis and re-evaluation of the anarchist Pierre- Joseph Proudhon’s writings on war and peace. The thesis has two claims to originality. The first lies in shedding new light on Proudhon’s voluminous writings on international politics. These texts have been relatively marginalised in the broader secondary literature on Proudhon’s thinking, and the thesis seeks to correct this important lacuna. In International Relations (IR), the academic discipline to which this thesis will make its most obvious original contribution, Proudhon’s writings on war and peace have been almost completely ignored. By providing an anarchist approach to world politics, the thesis will also contribute to IR’s historiographical and critical theoretical literature. The second claim to originality lies in using these writings and the context from which they emerged to tell a story about the evolution of the nineteenth century, the origins of the twentieth century and provide possible ways of thinking beyond the twenty first. The thesis employs a contextualist methodology that works in four ways. First, I have contextualised Proudhon’s thought geo-politically, in relation to the dynamics of the balance of power in nineteenth-century Europe. Secondly, I have sought to understand Proudhon’s ideas against the backdrop of the evolution of the French nation state in the mid to late nineteenth century. Third, I have shown how Proudhon’s thought emerges out of the dominant intellectual currents of his day – ideas that range from the inspiration for the activism of Fourierist and Saint-Simonian feminists, to the epochal influence of Rousseau and Kant. Finally, I argue that Proudhon’s thinking on world politics needs to be understood in relation to the evolution of his own thinking after Napoleon III’s coup d’état of the 2nd of December 1851. I will show that Proudhon’s mature anarchism, his mutualist federalism, was an engaged response to each of these social and intellectual contexts. I will argue that his critiques of these processes, and their intellectual champions, have been given an added poignancy given that he campaigned in large part against those very processes that culminated in two world wars. Keywords: Anarchism, Balance of Power, Federalism, International Relations, International Political Theory, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Political Theory, Mutualism, Nineteenth-Century France v Preface “Most young men and women at the century’s end grow up in a sort of permanent present lacking any organic relation to the public past of the times they live in.” Eric Hobsbawm “Our schools of rationality balk at having their histories written, which is no doubt significant.” Michel Foucault During the course of writing up my research Masters in International Relations (IR) theory at the University of Wollongong, I discovered that Proudhon had written a fair bit on international politics. But despite a plethora of post-statists in modern IR and political theory, most of whom called themselves postmodern or critical, no one seemed to have read any anarchism, let alone Proudhon’s work on international politics. Nor had I for that matter. So this thesis effectively began life as a hunch, in late-1999. I assumed, somewhat naively, that anything Proudhon had to say about world politics would undoubtedly be able to contribute to contemporary postmodern, critical and post- sovereign social theory, and would obviously resonate with the concerns and aspirations of the anti-capitalist carnival in Seattle that July. I also hoped to contribute something to IR theory, though I had a fair idea that it would not be gladly received. This utopianism turned into giddy excitement when I took delivery of the two volumes of Proudhon’s La Guerre et la Paix. I then developed a self-assured arrogance when I was offered a (self-funded) place on the PhD programme at the Department of International Politics, at Aberystwyth. Being from North Wales, I felt like I was going home, and I also thought I was radical. But the PhD ultimately became too much of a burden, and thankfully I did not have to bear it alone. Generous financial support and guidance from friends, colleagues and family has helped me through. I would not have made it without them. I have had superb supervision and have infuriated so many people with my defence of Proudhon, that innumerable bad ideas thankfully never made it into this final draft. What remains can only be described as the emergent, irreducible product of collective effort. As a result I owe a profound debt of thanks, and a comparable financial debt, to many. vi I began work on the thesis in 2001 having spent the previous nine months working as a chef in a trendy West London restaurant. Despite an ability to work all hours and a stubbornness born of desperation, I was utterly unprepared for the rude awakening I received on arrival at Aberystwyth. I had no idea what a PhD was and despite my first supervisor’s hope that I had thick skin, and my own cocksure riposte that chefs have calloused hands, I had no idea what he meant. It turned out that I had neither the requisite skills nor the temperament for academic writing – but, thankfully, I really did have thicker skin than most. The problem was, I guess, that I did not have a ‘coherent’ project. This is a problem most PhD students face and I claim no special status. Moreover, most students construct the shape of the PhD after it’s been substantially written. But it’s rare that none of your peers and seniors have any idea what it is you’re going to write about and most are actively hostile towards it. “Why Proudhon?” people would ask, isn’t he: “contradictory”, “paradoxical”, “dead”? “What? you mean you know nothing about his work on international politics!?” (‘either’ should always have followed here, but rarely did). “Isn’t he a utopian who thinks man is inherently good!?” “Surely an anarchist can have nothing to say about IR – IR is about states?” “Perhaps history has consigned him to the dustbin with good reason?” and finally, it all boiled down to the question: “You don’t want to write a thesis on Proudhon do you?!” the assumption being that the history of ideas was somehow less important than IR theory, or that it had little bearing on the main concerns of the discipline. It goes without saying that without pinpointing someone’s ignorance, academic careers would be few and far between. For others, ignorance can be the most formidable barrier to starting one. After a difficult year I failed to produce the requisite work. I had failed to adjust to the demands of a modern PhD because I was working 15 hours a week as a chef. I also had 12 hours a week of research training (useless platitudes to funding bodies trying to weed out critical thinking) and taught four hours of seminars a week as well. Independent research of a type I was not acquainted with was almost impossible. I was encouraged to vii take a second Masters. This time it would be a taught Masters, so that I learnt the right things and so that I had a better frame of reference within which to locate the thesis – the assumption remained that I would contribute to contemporary problems in IR theory. It also gave me a year to practice my writing, secure funding and rejoin my PhD buddies in twelve months time. I was not so fortunate. I passed the Masters degree well – even getting a distinction for my dissertation again – but I was forced to accept that I had not jumped through the hoops well enough. Due to a lack of funding, for the duration of the year I had to work 20+ hours a week in a hot kitchen under precarious financial conditions. Sadly I was not alone in this experience, nor, I should imagine, will I be the last to face it. Thankfully, I secured a generous grant to cover fees and maintenance, from the Thomson Foundation, which was paid in exchange for research work for the Welsh TV station S4C. This was greatfully received. I worked 16 hours a week compiling reports on the nature of Welsh-language broadcasting. Little by little I became socialised into the role of an anarchist Mary Whitehouse (imagine such a thing!). This became a problem in the second year of the re- started PhD when I also took on a position of warden in a hall of residence. My highly developed left-conservative attitudes clashed with childishness and sleep deprivation and ensured that along with my significant PhD problems and 16 hours of TV a week, 2004-5 went down as one of the worst years of my life. I had been looking into ways of getting out of Aberystwyth for two years when, by pure chance, I received an email from the Research on Anarchism list. The Department of Politics, IR and European Studies at Loughborough University was advertising a fully funded PhD place for someone to work on anarchism from within IR or politics. Imagine my surprise! With Aberystwyth still unable to offer me very much of anything at all, I left as soon as I could. With five years of graduate education behind me I moved to Loughborough and started the first year of my PhD for the third time. A formal expression of thanks to Loughborough University hardly seems sufficient for what was a viii
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