Jonson's Satire of Puritanism in The Alchemist

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Jonson's Satire ofPuritanism
in The Alchemist
JEANETTE D.FERREIRA-ROSS
Ithas become acommonplaceinJonsoniancriticismto referto
the dramatically effective use of cant, particularly in The
Alchemist and Bartholomew Fair. Alexander Sackton has
identifiedJonson'scontributiontothemodemconnotationofthe
word 'cant' as 'theuseofthespecialphraseologyofaparticular
classorsubject' whileJonas Barishhas made adetailedstudyof
the 'linguisticcaricature', focusinginan illuminatingwayonthe
characteristiccliches,formulas and rhythmsofthePuritanpulpit
andthelogicofthecasebookasameansofsuggestinghypocrisy
inBartholomewFair.1
What has not been adequately explored, however, is the
accuracy with which Jonson contextualizes his Puritan figures.
Margot Heinemann refers to Middleton's and also to Jonson's
moremordantanti-Puritansatireas makingfunofthe 'sectaries'.
Alastair Hamilton, in tracing the history ofthe Familist sect,
claims rathersweepinglythatMiddleton'sTheFamityofLoveas
well as BenJonson'sEastwardHoe andTheAlchemistsneerat
Familism. Most other critics ofJonson, with the exception of
Berti! Johannson, who points to some specific allusions, have
beencontentto accepttheblanketterm 'Puritan' indefiningthe
objects ofJonson's religious satire.2The aim ofthis paper is
then to look more carefully at the contemporary frame of
reference and the sources on which Jonson drew in his satire of
religiouscantandhypocrisyinTheAlchemist.
1 Alexander H. Sackton, RhetoricasaDramaticLanguage inBenJonson
(London, 1967), p.49; Jonas Barish, Ben Jonson and the Language of
Prose Comedy (New York, 1970), pp.197-204.
2 SeeMargotHeinemann, PuritanismandTheatre:ThomasMiddletonand
Opposition Drama under the Early Stuarts (Cambridge, 1980), p.82;
Alastair Hamilton, The Family ofLove (Cambridge, 1981), p.135;
Berti! Johansson, Religion andSuperstition in the Plays ofBen Jonson
andThomas Middleton (New York, 1966), pp.94-159.
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Jonson, far more than Shakespeare, contextualizes his plays
within a contemporary framework. Accordingly, there is a far
greaterreliance on allusion to enhance the satirical effect. The
time and setting of The Alchemist is contemporary London.
Herford and Simpson have pointed out that 'several passages
implythattheactionisitselfsupposedtotake placeinthis very
year, 161O'-thatis, thedateoftheplay'scompositionand also
of its first performance.3 Concerning the setting, Subtle
explicitlyreferstoLovewit'shouseasbeing 'here, inthejriers'
(I.i.17), a neighbourhood which Dol Common identifies as
Puritan. In trying to stop the noisy quarrel between the two
rogues, withwhichtheplaybegins, shetellsFace:
Whoshalltakeyourword?
Awhoresonne,vpstar't,apocryphallcaptayne,
Whomnotapuritaneinblack{riers,willtrust
Somuch,asforafeather!
(I.i.126-9)
Sheprevailsamusinglywith:
Shallwegoomake
Asortofsober,sciruy,preciseneighbours,
(Thatscarsehavesmil'dtwise,sin'thekingcamein)
Afeastoflaughter,atourfollies? raskalls,
Wouldmnnethemseluesfrombreath,toseemeride,
Oryout'hauebutahole,tothrustyourheadsin,
Forwhichyoushouldpayeare-rent?
(I.i.163-9)
The satire is rich. On a literal level there is a commenton the
shrewdnessofthePuritanfeather-makers, tauntedfortheirtrade
in such fashionable frivolities.4 Takenfiguratively, onthe plot
level, the shrewd judgement of the Blackfriars Puritans will
ironicallybeshowninreverse whenthelureofgoldpredisposes
their 'brethren' from Amsterdam willingly to trust the two
rogues.
3 Ben Jonson, eds C.H. Herford and Percy and Evelyn Simpson (Oxford,
1925-52), n, 87. All quotations from The Alchemist are from the
HerfordandSimpsonedition.
4 HerfordandSimpson,X, 59.
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Dol's further swipe at the 'precise [Le. puritanical]
neighbours,/Thatscarcehavesmil'dtwicesin' thekingcamein'
contains aspecificallusiontothedisenchantmentofthePuritans
with James I. The hopes ofthe Puritans for the support ofthe
new King were dashed at the Hampton Court Conference in
1604 and the King's antipathy to the Puritans soon became
evident.5The gleeful vindictiveness of Puritan censure of
harlotryis alsocommenteduponbyDol. Above all, bylocating
his play inthe 'friers' Jonsonis clearlymaking avery 'in'joke.
Although The Alchemistwas first performed in the Globe, the
King's Menhad takenoverthe Blackfriarsin 1609,from which
time, according to Andrew Gurr, performances were 'readily
switchedbetweentheBlackfriars andtheGlobe'.Gurrconcludes
that Jonson, in fact, wrote the play especially for a Blackfriars
audience and that 'thejoke realism ofits statingpartly depends
onitsperformance"hereinthe/riars", aneighbourhoodknown
for its wealthy Lovewits and its puritans as well as its
playhouse'.6
InanticipatingtheentranceofAnanias,Subtleexclaims 'Pray
god, it be my Anabaptist' (II.iv.20). Ananias is called 'the
sanctifiedelder'-inthedramatispersonaeheis referredtoas a
'deacon'-whileTribulationWholesomeisdescribedas 'apastor
ofAmsterdam'.Theyhave cometonegotiate withSubtle about
theStoneasrepresentativesof
... theholyBrethren
OfAmsterdam,theexit'dSaints: thathope
Toraise theirdiscipline, byit.
(II.iv.29-31)
HistoriansofAnabaptism andtheSeparatistMovementhave
traced the establishment of various English congregations in
Hollandtowards theendofthesixteenthand thebeginningofthe
seventeenth centuries. One ofthe most well known, ifnot the
firstEnglishAnabaptistcongregationinAmsterdam, wasthatof
John Smyth, organized in 1608 or 1609. The fortunes, beliefs
5 See Graham Parry, The Seventeenth Century: The Intellectual and
Cultural Context ofEnglish Literature, 1603-1700 (London and New
York, 1989), II, 181-2.
6 Andrew Gurr, Playgoing in Shakespeare's London (Cambridge, 1987),
pp.31, 160.
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andtroublesofthis 'exiled' communitywere wellpublicizedin
England. According to Champlin Burrage, 'Books beganto be
written and published which soon told to the world all their
troubles'.7 Smyth himself published a number of works,
including 'PRINCIPLES/andinferences/concerningIThevisible
Church' (1607)inwhichhedefinedthetrueChurchas 'Avisible
communionofSaincts...joynedtogetherbycovenantwithGod
and themselves, freely to vse al the holy things of God, ac
cording to the word, for their mutual edification, and God's
glory ... All religioussocietiesexceptthatofavisiblechurchare
vnlawful'.8 Another work, which appeared in 1608, is titled
'The Differences of the Churches of the seperation'. The
emphasisonaseparatecom-munitywithdrawnfrom the 'world',
and worshipbasedonmove-mentbythespiritorinnerlight, so
typical ofAnabaptism, is evident. This was followed in 1609
with 'THECHARACTEROFTHEBEAST' directedagainst'baptisme
in Popery' (which includes the baptism of the Church of
England).Inanothertreatise of1609, 'PARALLELES.CENSVRES.
OBSERVATIONS', he prophesies the destruction of 'al the Idol
Templeswhenthehowreoftheirvisitationshalcome'.9
Another interesting document which reveals the kind of
languageused by separatists such as Smyth's congregationis a
letterbytwomembersofhisflockrejecting anexhortationbya
relation'to retumehometo England'. Theyrespond thatsucha
move 'should be much and nighly displeasing vnto vnto [sic]
oure good god and father, that hath inhis mercifull providence
brought vs owtofBabilon the Motherofall abominations the
habitationofdevils [?] andtheholde,ofallfoulespirites[?] and
Acageofeveryvncleaneandhatefullbirde'.10
One hears the same vocabulary and rhythms in Ananias's
cumulative fulminations: 'abomination/Is in the house', 'the
7 Champlin Burrage. The Early English Dissenlers (Cambridge. 1912).I.
232.
8 QuotedinBurrage.I, 233.
9 SeeBurrage, I. 239, 240.
lOAn undated letter sent by Hughe and Anne Bromhead to their cousin.
(Sir) William Harnmerton. at London. probably written some time in
1609 inBurrage. II, 172-3.
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place,IItisbecomeacageofuncleanbirds'. Suchlanguagemust
havehad afamiliarringto Jonson's audience. Whatismore, the
wholecontroversysurroundingthe 'exiledSaints' inAmsterdam
andtheirpublicizedbeliefsmusthavebeenofsufficienttopical
interestforJonsontobeableto assumethathisLondonaudience
of 1610 would be amused by the figures of the 'pastor of
Amsterdam' andhis 'deacon'.
Apart from the repeated references to Llte 'exiled saints', the
'exil'dbrothers', Tribulation looks forward to the 'restoringof
the silenc'd saints', while the notion of 'separation' is given a
specialized connotation. Tribulation consoles Ananias for the
blastinghehasreceivedfrom theAlchemistwhoconfuteshimon
biblicalgrounds becauseofhisname:
ThesechastisementsarecommontotheSaints,
AndsuchrebukesweoftheSeparation
Mustbeare,with willingshoulders,as thetrialls
Sentforth, to temptourfrailties.
(III.i.l-4)
The underlying notion here is the Anabaptist acceptance ofthe
theology ofmartyrdom, the concept of suffering as a way to
victory. Tribulation's 'we of the Separation' and Ananias's
sanctimoniousacquiescence,later,to withdrawinhumbleprayer
with 'the whole companie ofthe Separation' (IV.vii.85) also
correspond to the Anabaptist belief that the true church is
separatedfrom the 'world'. Their 'discipline' isoneofaseparate
brotherhood of 'sincere professors'. Jonson mocks both the
principles of nonconformity to the world and self-righteous
exclusivitywhenhe reveals theunderlyingunscrupulousness of
Ananias who would willingly 'cossen' orphans whose parents
'werenotofthefaithfull ' (II.v.60).
Somescholarshavefound itnecessarytodifferentiatebetween
Puritans in the generalized sense and Separatists. The former
included those who wished for reforms within the established
Church of England while the latter regarded the Church of
Englanditselfwithitshierarchicalsystemofchurchgovernment
as apostate. Jonson's Anabaptists are accurately defined as
Separatists, as Subtle is well awareoftheir 'hope ofrootingout
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theBishops/Orth'AntichristianHierarchie' (ll.v.82-3).
The Anabaptists saw themselves as the successors to the
prophets and apostles whose holy zeal was directly inspired by
thespiritofGod. Hence 'inspirationism' wasthefulcrum oftheir
belief. Spiritualtruths wereperceivedby revelationthroughthe
movementorprompt-ingofthe Spirit. Jonsonmakes funofthe
possibilities for abuse to which this belief could lead.
Tribulation, who is anarch-hypocrite, uses the ideaofthespirit
rising and being fanned into a red-hot zeal as partofhis mock
casuistic argumentinovercomingAnanias'sscruplesagainstthe
Alchemistandhis work:
... Itmaybeso,
Whenastheworkeisdone,thestoneismade,
Thisheateofhismayturneintoa zeale,
Andstandvpforthebeauteousdiscipline,
Againstthemenstruouscloth,andraggofRome.
Wemustawaithiscalling,andthecomming
Ofthegoodspirit...
(III.i.29-35)
Ananias,convincedbythecant,enthusesaboutthenotionofthe
spiritorinnerlight:
Ihauenotedifiedmore,truely,byman;
Not,sincethe beautiful/light,first, shoneon me.
(III.i.45-6)
Finally,thecalculatingpastorconfrontstheAlchemistunctuously
butslyly:
TheBrethrenhadnopurpose,verely,
Togiueyoutheleastgrieuance: butareready
Tolendtheirwillinghands,toanyproiect
Thespirit,andyoudirect...
(III.ii.11-14)
However, he has difficulty restraining Ananias's over-zealous
inteIjections and dogmatic insistence on correcting Subtle's
'impure' useoftenns. InaboldparodyofChrist,Tribulationas
pastortriesunsuccessfullytosilencehis recalcitrantdeacon:
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Idoecommandthee,spirit(ofzeale,buttrouble),
Topeacewithin him.
(III.ii.84-5)
HeassuresSubtle:
Itisan ignorantzeale,thathaunts him, sir.
Buttruely,else,a veryfaithfulBrother,
Abotcher: anda man,byreuelation,
Thathathacompetentknowledgeofthetruth.
(III.ii.111-14)
Ofcourse, what Jonson shows is that the 'truth' made known
'by revelation' tohisholybrethrenisineveryinstancemerelya
justificationoftheirunderlyingmotivesofself-interestedacqui
sitiveness. This was, precisely, Hooker's objection to
unqualified beliefinthe promptings ofthe Spirit: any so-called
motion ofthe spirit could be a 'pretext' for what was really a
personal motivation. In fact, in the figure ofAnanias, Jonson
seems almost to be dramatizing Hooker's analysis of 'the
sectarianmind'.11 JonsonalsotakesupHooker'spointaboutthe
implications of rejecting all outward authority, whether
ecclesiastical orcivil. Ananias is quick to point out, 'Weknow
noMagistrate' (III.iL150).
Hooker's concern is to show the results 'when the minds of
menareonceerroneously persuadedthatitisthe willofGod to
have those thingsdone whichthey fancy .... for confusionunto
thewiseandgreat,the poorandthesimple, someKnipperdoling
withhisretinue, musttakethe workoftheLordinhand; andthe
makingofchurchlaws andordersmustprovetobetheirrightin
the end')2 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries all
Anabaptistswerecommonlyidentifiedwiththeeccentricpolitical
doctrines ofKnipperdoling and John ofLeyden, the leaders of
the short-lived 'Kingdom ofGod' inMunsterduring 1534-6.13
JonsonechoesHookerorisfollowing thepopulartraditionwhen
11 The point is made by H.C. Porter, PartXIII, '1593: Richard Hooker's
Analysis of the Sectarian Mind' in Puritanism in Tudor England
(London, 1970), p.245.
12 Richard Hooker, Chapter 8 of the Preface to Of The Laws of
Ecclesiastical Polity in Porter, pp.245-6.
13 Herfordand Simpson,X, 86-7.
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hemakesSubtlereferdisparaginglyto Ananiasas 'youKnipper
doling' (II.v.13) and to bothbrethren as 'mybraceoflittlelohn
Leydens' (I1I.iii.24)
Similarly, the sect known as the Family of Love, whose
founderwas HendrickNiclaus, wasfrequentlyconfusedwiththe
Anabaptists.l4 Attheend ofTheAlchemistLovewit, mistaking
Drugger for another one of the brethren, beats him off with
'Away, you Harry Nicholas, doe you talke?' (V.v.1l7). Here
again, Jonson seems to accept the commonly held view or he
maybeindicatingthathisreligioussatireismeanttoembraceall
the more extreme sects within the Separatist movement. In
anothercontexthedoesmakeacleardistinctionbetweenDoppers
orAnabaptistsandthemoreeccentricofthe 'inspirationist' sects.
In the masque News from the New World Discovered in the
Moon thereis areference to 'A world ofDoppers! butthey are
thereaslunatickpersons, walkersonely; thathaveleaveonlyto
hum, and ha, not daring to prophecie, or start upon stooles to
raisedoctrine' (11.205-8).
Whatemerges from Jonson's dramatizationof'the sectarian
mind' is that his satire is given considerable bite through his
deliberate allusions to contemporary Anabaptism--orwhat was
included under 'Anabaptism'. At the same time, it needs to be
pointed out that in drawing his satirical portraits of the two
Anabaptists, Jonson amalgamated the attitudes and language
shared by differentforms ofextremePuritanism. Forexample,
the suspicion ofand violent opposition to Roman Catholicism
were common to Puritans ofvarious shades. As a convert to
Catholicism between 1598-161015Jonson was clearly sensitive
14 Cf. James I who in the 1603 Preface to the Basilikon Doron tried to
definehis use ofthe term 'Puritan': ThenameofPuritandothproperly
belong only to that vile sect amongst the Anabaptists, called the
Family of Love; because they think themselves only pure... Of this
special sectI principallymean when I speakofPuritans ... and partly,
indeed, I give this style to such brainsick and heady preachers their
disciples and followers, as refusing to be called of that sect, yet
participate too much with their humours. (Basilikon Doron, ed. J.
Craigie (Edinburgh, 1944), p.15).
15 Rosalind Miles, Ben Jonson: His Life and Work (London and New
York, 1986), pp.40, 138-9.
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to such sentiments. So, intheexaggerated invectiveofAnanias
against anything remotely 'popish' Jonson derides hysterical
antagonism againsttheRomanChurch.
Because the very word 'mass' suggests popery, Ananias
insists,apparentlyinaccordancewithPuritancustom,16thatitbe
replaced by 'Christ-tide' (III.iL43). Similarly, bells are
associated with the Catholic liturgy and so Ananias declares:
'Bellsareprofane: atunemaybereligious'. SomePuritanswent
as far as insisting that organs be removed from all churches.
Onlythe singingofpsalms was permitted. Subtle makes fun of
this whenhecalls'atuneto calltheflocktogether ... yourbell'
(III.iL58-60). Any form of ritual or tendency to argue from
tradition was regarded with suspicion. When Subtle uses the
word 'tradition'Ananiasinterjects:
IhateTraditions:
Idonottrustthem ... TheyarePopish,all.
(IILii.l06-7)
In the Puritanmind Spain was identified withCatholicism: the
threatofSpainwas alsothe threatofCatholicism. The Spanish
were seen as the agents ofthe Pope, Le. the Antichrist. In his
satire of Surley's Spanish garb Jonson is girding at several
things. He is poking fun at the vogue for extravagant Spanish
fashions atKingJames'scourt. Atthesametimeheismocking
theausterityofthePuritans as wellastheirvituperativehatredof
the Roman Catholic Spaniards. Ananias's diatribe against
Surley's 'Spanishslops' containsalltheusualPuritancant-terms
levelledagainstRomishpractices:
...Theyareprofane,
Leud,superstitious,andidolatrousbreeches.
(IV.vii.48-9)
Oncetriggeredoffhisfulminations areunstoppable:
AuoidSathan,
Thouartnotofthelight.Thatmffeofpride,
Aboutthyneck,betrayesthee...
16 M. vanBeek. An Enquiry into Puritan Vocabulary (Groningen, 1969)
pp.40-41.
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Thoulook'stlikeAntichrist,in thatleudhat.
(IV.vii.50-55)
The detailed observations concerning Surley's costume are
interesting. As a protest against the Spanish fashion ofbroad,
starched ruffs and feather-trimmed hats the Puritans wore small
ruffs and less elaborate hats.l7 Having routed the 'proud
Spanish fiend' Ananias turns his singleminded attention to the
business in hand. He readily accepts the notion that the
'Spaniard' has beensentwiththe express purposeofspyingon
the actions of the 'brethren', but, he announces with
sanctimonious rectitude, since it has been... 'reueal'd./fhat
castingofmoneyismostlawfull' (IV.vii.77-8),the dealmustbe
seenthrough. WhatJonsonis ridiculinghereis notonlyPuritan
over-scrupulousness, but the hypocrisy often underlying such
scruples. Van Beekhas demonstrated the appropriation by the
Puritans of the terms 'lawful' and 'unlawful' with the aid of
characteristicquotations,forexample,thefollowing:
'Whom Christfindeth with their hearts asleepe, in eating and
drinking, building, bargaining; that is following lawfull
thinges, but with neglect of godlyness, and therefore
unlawfully'.18
Itis easy to see how, by restricting the sense, Ananias and his
'holy synod' mightpersuadethemselves thatany sharppractice
is 'lawfull' aslongasitisdoneinaspiritof'godlyness'!
Seen in this context, the Puritan catch-phrase with which
Ananiascomplacentlytakeshisleaveacquiresapoignantirony:
... Thepeaceofmind
,Restwiththesewalls ... (IV.vii.87-8)
EarlierIhavecomparedAnanias'svituperativeinvectivewith
the kind oflanguage actually used in the lettercited. Ananias's
performance also typifies what Hooker has termed 'the
apocalyptic rancour' ofPuritanism. Whenthe fraud ofSubtle's
alchemyhasbeendiscoveredhe thunderslike an OldTestament
prophet:
17 Cf. Subtle's comment: 'He lookes in that deeperoffe, like a headin a
platter' (IV.iii.24); and Johansson, pp.137-8.
18 P. Baynes, Christian Letters, E10 in VanBeek, p.79.
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