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Elissa Bemporad  Glenn Dynner  Editors Jewish Women in Modern Eastern and East Central Europe Jewish Women in Modern Eastern and East Central Europe Elissa Bemporad Glenn Dynner (cid:129) Editors Jewish Women in Modern Eastern and East Central Europe Previously published in Jewish History Volume 33, Issue 1–2, March 2020 123 Editors Elissa Bemporad GlennDynner Queens Collegeandthe CUNY Graduate Cen SarahLawrence College Flushing,NY, USA Bronxville, NY,USA ISBN978-3-031-19462-7 ISBN978-3-031-19463-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19463-4 ©TheEditor(s)(ifapplicable)andTheAuthor(s),underexclusivelicensetoSpringerNature SwitzerlandAG2022 Chapter“‘ToWrite?What’sThisTortureFor?’BroniaBaum’sManuscriptsasTestimonytotheFormationofa Writer, Activist, and Journalist” is licensed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 InternationalLicense(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).Forfurtherdetailsseelicenseinformationin thechapter. Thisworkissubjecttocopyright.AllrightsaresolelyandexclusivelylicensedbythePublisher,whetherthe wholeorpartofthematerialisconcerned,specificallytherightsoftranslation,reprinting,reuseofillustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or infor- mationstorageandretrieval,electronicadaptation,computersoftware,orbysimilarordissimilarmethodology nowknownorhereafterdeveloped. Theuseofgeneraldescriptivenames,registerednames,trademarks,servicemarks,etc.inthispublicationdoes notimply,evenintheabsenceofaspecificstatement,thatsuchnamesareexemptfromtherelevantprotective lawsandregulationsandthereforefreeforgeneraluse. Thepublisher,theauthors,andtheeditorsaresafetoassumethattheadviceandinformationinthisbookare believedtobetrueandaccurateatthedateofpublication.Neitherthepublishernortheauthorsortheeditorsgive awarranty,expressedorimplied,withrespecttothematerialcontainedhereinorforanyerrorsoromissionsthat mayhavebeenmade.Thepublisherremainsneutralwithregardtojurisdictionalclaimsinpublishedmapsand institutionalaffiliations. ThisSpringerimprintispublishedbytheregisteredcompanySpringerNatureSwitzerlandAG Theregisteredcompanyaddressis:Gewerbestrasse11,6330Cham,Switzerland Contents Introduction: Jewish Women in Modern Eastern and East Central Europe. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Elissa Bemporad and Glenn Dynner Marginality without Benefits: Converting Jewish Women in Lithuanian Guberniyas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Elena Keidošiūtė From Anna Kluger to Sarah Schenirer: Women’s Education in Kraków and Its Discontents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Rachel Manekin ‘To Write? What’s This Torture For?’ Bronia Baum’s Manuscripts as Testimony to the Formation of a Writer, Activist, and Journalist. . . . . . . . 61 Joanna Lisek Humanitarian Encounters: Charity and Gender in Post–World War I Jewish Budapest . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 Ilse Josepha Lazaroms Crossing the Line: Violence against Jewish Women and the New Model of Antisemitism in Poland in the 1930s. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Natalia Aleksiun Gender Violence: The 1917–1922 Ukrainian Pogroms and the Challenges of Modernity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Irina Astashkevich The Toiling Froy and the Speculating Yidene: Discourses of Female Productivization in the Soviet Shtetl . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 187 Deborah Yalen ‘To Speak for Those Who Cannot’: Masha Rol’nikaite on the Holocaust and Sexual Violence in German-Occupied Soviet Territories . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 Anika Walke v JewishHistory(2020)33:1–6 ©SpringerNatureB.V.2020 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10835-019-09343-1 Introduction: Jewish Women in Modern Eastern and East Central Europe ELISSABEMPORAD QueensCollegeandTheGraduateCenter–CUNY,NewYork,NY,USA E-mail:[email protected] GLENNDYNNER SarahLawrenceCollege,Bronxville,NY,USA E-mail:[email protected] Intheirprogrammaticintroductiontoa2005volumeofPolin,entitled“Jew- ishWomeninEasternEurope,”ChaeRanFreezeandPaulaHymanlamented thatfield’sstateofinfancy.Mostscholarshipontheregion’sJewishwomen, theyargued,merelyconstitutedattemptsto“fillinthegaps”inanenduringly male-dominated East European Jewish historical narrative. They called on the present generation of historians to integrate new findings about women into“themasternarrativesofthepast,todeconstructoldparadigmsandmod- els,andtorethinkEastEuropeanJewishhistorywiththeaidofnewinsights gleanedfromtheresearchongender.”1 Overthepastdecade,Jewishhistorianshaverespondedresoundingly.To- day it is difficult to imagine a rigorous social historical study of Eastern and East Central European Jewry that neglects the workings of gender. Never- theless,itseemsnecessarytoproceedyetfurther,acknowledgingfinallythat crucial aspects of the region’s Jewish modernization process cannot be suf- ficiently understood without evaluating the functioning and constitution of gender. The articles in this special issue of Jewish History demonstrate that only through the experiences of women can one fully understand key phe- nomenasuchasthemomentouschangesoccurringinJewisheducation,con- version waves, postwar relief efforts, anti-Jewish violence, Soviet produc- tivizationprojects,and,morebroadly,theacculturationprocessthatanimated Jewishmodernization. The latter process seems to form a salient theme throughout this special issue. Rather than present a scenario in which secularism simply displaces 1ChaeRan Freeze and Paula Hyman, “Introduction: A Historiographical Survey,” Polin 18: JewishWomeninEasternEurope(Portland,OR,2005),3–24.SeealsoPaulaHyman’sGender andAssimilationinModernJewishHistory(Seattle,1995). 1 3 1 Reprinted from the journal E.BEMPORADANDG.DYNNER traditionalism,thearticlesheresuggestamutuallytransformativesecularist- traditionalist encounter within which Jewish women were both prominent and instrumental.2 Some authors examine the lives of Jewish women who broke with the patriarchal religious tradition and either embraced forms of Jewish secularism or converted; while others draw attention to numerous, hithertoneglected,womenwhoremained“traditionalist”(Hasidic,Religious Zionist, non-Hasidic Orthodox) and favored a more selective and defensive acculturation process.NeitherpathcouldguaranteeJewishwomenasignifi- cantimprovementinstatus,asitturnsout.Yetbothpathsseemedtoofferen- hanced agency, especially when compared with the experiences and choices availabletonon-JewishEasternandEastCentralEuropeanwomeninvarious socio-economic,political,andculturalcontexts.3 The complexities of modernization and secularization can only be fully appreciated in light of the shifting expectations that Jewish women came to shapeforthemselves.Attimestheseexpectationsmeshedwiththoseoftheir familiesandcommunities;butwomenincreasinglychallengedtheprospects thattheirfathers,husbands,andbrothersimaginedforthem.Lookingbackon herownlife,SofiaDubnova-Ehrlich,daughterofthedeanofRussianJewish historiography and pioneering thinker Simon Dubnow, pondered these ex- pectationsandlimitations:“[We]’vebeenlearningforyearstobedaughters, sisters, friends to our loved ones, wives, mothers. We learn to become—but never learn. It was not always easy to be a daughter ...”4 Sofia embraced a career of political activism side-by-side with her husband, the Bundist ac- tivistHenrykEhrlich,andemergedasarenownedpoetandmemoirist. The new demands of Jewish women for agency, independence, and so- cialempowermentalsotestedtheexpectationsthatthesurroundingmajority societies reserved for Jews in general. To be sure, non-traditional expecta- tions and choices made by Jewish women not only triggered deep anxieties 2DipeshChakrabarty,HabitationsofModernity(Chicago,2002),26;idem.,Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, 2000), 46; Saba Mah- mood, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (Princeton, 2005), 5, 17, 45, 51; Lara Deeb, An Enchanted Modern: Gender and Public Piety in Shi’i Lebanon (Princeton, 2006);GauriViswanathan, OutsidetheFold: Conversion, Modernity, andBelief (Princeton,1998),esp.50.Onpro-andanti-haredi(“partisan”)biasinscholarshiponOrtho- doxy,seeMosheSamet,He-hadashasurminha-torah:perakimbe-toledotha-ortodoksiyah (Jerusalem,2005),15,23. 3ComparativestudiesofthemodernizationprocessofJewishandnon-Jewishwomenindif- ferent geopolitical contexts of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Eastern Europe remain a desideratum,andcouldgreatlyenhanceourunderstandingofthedynamicsbetweenthecon- stitutionofgenderandtheessenceoftheJewishmodernizationprocess. 4SofiaDubnova-Ehrlich,Khlebimatsa(St.Petersburg,1994),20. 1 3 Reprinted from the journal 2 INTRODUCTION amongJewishmen,butalsodisquietednon-Jewishmenandwomen,whoof- ten found the socio-economic empowerment and public role played by Jew- ish women threatening.5 Perhaps even more than for Jewish men, therefore, theencounterofJewishwomenwithmodernitymeantcopingwithnewforms ofpersecutionandviolencethatcouldtargetthemmorethantheirmalecoun- terparts. In a way, the responses to the modernization and secularization of Jewish women became the very testing ground for Jewish integration and perhapstheultimatemeasureofJews’fitnessforcitizenship. Bytheendoftheeighteenthcenturyoverthree-fourthsoftheworld’sJew- ishpopulationhadsettledinEasternandEastCentralEurope,predominately in the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Kingdom of Hungary. By the end of the next century, increasing numbers of Eastern and East Central EuropeanJewishwomen,nowlivingprimarilyintheRussianEmpireandin theAustro-HungarianEmpire,exhibitedapowerfuldesireforimprovedsta- tusandagencywithinandbeyondtraditionalistcommunities.Theirmothers andgrandmothershadfoundmodesofempowermentmainlyintheeconomic realm,inwhichtheparticipationofwomenwasfullysanctionedbytheJew- ish male elite. Some, especially wealthy widows, had become benefactors and patrons of yeshivas and Hasidic courts.6 But for many of the younger generation, regardless of class identity, this kind of fulfilment was no longer consideredsufficient. Some women embraced acculturation, assimilation, or left Judaism alto- gether through conversion. The latter phenomenon has often been treated as the by-product of an encounter with secular education and literature. Yet as Elena Keidošiu¯te˙ demonstrates in her contribution to this volume, impover- ishedandlesseducatedwomenoptedforconversion,too.Incontrasttomen, whoweremorelikelytoresortto“laboremigration”toescapepoverty,Kei- došiu¯te˙ argues, less privileged women sometimes embraced conversion as a kind of “virtual emigration” or emancipation.7 At the other end of the spec- 5Oncharitableinitiativesledbywomen,seeNatanMeir,Kiev,JewishMetropolis:AHistory, 1859–1914(Bloomington,IN,2010),239.OnfemaleleadershipintheSocialist“Bund,”see Daniel Blatman, “Women in the Jewish Labor Bund in Interwar Poland,” in Women in the Holocaust,ed.DaliaOferandLenoreJ.Weitzman(NewHaven,1998),68–84. 6See, e.g., Hyman, Gender and Assimilation, 67; Moshe Rosman, “The History of Jewish WomeninEarlyModernPoland:AnAssessment,”inFreezeandHyman,eds.,Polin18.See alsoGlennDynner,“ThoseWhoStayed:WomenandJewishTraditionalisminEastCentral Europe,”inNewDirectionsintheHistoryoftheJewsinthePolishLands,ed.AntonyPolon- sky,HannaWe˛grzynek,andAndrzejZ˙bikowski(Boston,2018),295–312. 7SeealsoRachelManekin,“TheLostGeneration:EducationandFemaleConversioninFin- de-SiècleKraków,”Polin18,189–220;Freeze,“WhenChavaLeftHome:Gender,Conversion, andtheJewishFamilyinTsaristRussia,”Polin18,152–88;andEllieR.Schainker,Confes- sions of the Shtetl. Converts from Judaism in Imperial Russia, 1817–1906 (Stanford, CA, 2016). 1 3 3 Reprinted from the journal E.BEMPORADANDG.DYNNER trum were women who remained traditionally observant but also strove to achieve a higher secular education. Two trailblazers in this regard were the sisters Chaje (Anna) and Leonore (Leja) Kluger, whose struggle to study at university level (and eventually, in Chaje’s case, at doctoral level) ignited a lengthy legal battle with their own parents. Rachel Manekin argues that this court case, which attracted international attention, was an important impe- tus for the creation of the Beis Yaakov school system for girls. The modest, controlledseculareducationavailableinBeisYaakovschoolswas,Manekin suspects, intended to siphon off any desire for university education among traditionalistwomenandpreventanotherscandalliketheKlugercase.8 YetBeisYaakovschoolsdidprovidetraditionalistyoungwomenwithim- portant new tools and outlets for self-expression in Western literary modes, as did political groups for Orthodox women and the newly emergent Ortho- dox press. Joanna Lisek, in her article in this volume, introduces us to the manuscripts of Bronia Baum from the years 1912–1921, which include a diary in Russian and numerous poems in Polish and Yiddish. Baum’s trilin- gual body of work sheds light on the inner life of a young Hasidic woman as she confronted anti-Jewish violence, experimented with Zionist ideology, and developed a poetic voice, all the while remaining committed to Jewish traditionalism. In the aftermath of World War I, much of Eastern and East Central Eu- ropean Jewry found itself divided between Hungary, a newly independent Poland, known as the Second Polish Republic, and the Soviet Union. As Ilse Lazaroms shows in her article, involvement with institutions like voca- tional schools and orphanages became an important way for Jewish women tonavigate atumultuous, increasingly antisemitic Hungarian society. InBu- dapest, women like the activist and communal worker Rosika Schwimmer consciously chose to buoy their Hungarian, Jewish, and female identities by supportinglocalaidworkandpublicprojects.Theirexpectationsandchoices were ultimately rejected in the wake of a rising Magyar nationalist move- ment. Poland emerged as a democratic and constitutional state that formally guaranteed Jewish rights, religious freedoms, and political representation. Yetmostofitscitizenssufferedfromthewidespreaddevastationwroughtby theGreatWar,andofficialandunofficialanti-Jewishdiscriminationwascon- tinually manifested in economic and educational realms. For Jewish women ofmoresecular-orientedbackgrounds,thepathtoachievingeducationalful- filment was less hindered by familial or societal disapproval.9 Yet by the 8OntheBeisYaakovschoolsystemmoregenerally,seeNaomiSeidman,SarahSchenirerand theBaisYaakovMovement:ARevolutionintheNameofTradition(Liverpool,2019). 9SeeHyman,GenderandAssimilation;Blatman,“WomenintheBund.” 1 3 Reprinted from the journal 4 INTRODUCTION 1930s, as Natalia Aleksiun shows, university campuses in Poland were be- coming extremely inhospitable to Jewish women and men alike. Physical assaults became increasingly common in the post-Piłsudski era (after mid- 1935), which witnessed the breakdown of civil society and an increase in violent anti-Jewish boycotts, vandalism, and pogroms. Aleksiun examines thegenderedpublicdebatethatemergedaroundthephenomenonofphysical assaultagainstfemaleJewishstudentsonuniversitycampuses.Bytheendof theinterwarperiod,universityeducation,thesurestpathtoempowermentfor secularistJewishwomen,wasvirtuallyclosedoff. In Ukrainian territories, the ongoing waves of brutality unleashed by the Great War, the Bolshevik Revolution, and the Russian Civil War of 1918– 1921destroyedthemoralorder,communalnetworks,andkinshipstructures, precipitating an unprecedented outburst of anti-Jewish violence. As Irina Astashkevich argues in her article, a key feature of the Russian Civil War pogroms was extremely wide-scale sexual violence against Jewish women. Mass rape took place in nearly every community touched by the conflict. Based on reports gathered by male doctors, Astashkevich argues that the emotional response to rape was determined not only by gender but by the degreeofavictim’sexposuretosecularhumanisticeducation. Nearly three million Jews became citizens of the newly formed Soviet Union.Jewishmenandwomenlivingprimarilyinthecitiesandtownsofthe Soviet Socialist Republics of Ukraine and Belorussia, as well as in the two largestSovietmetropolisesofMoscowandLeningrad,experiencedmodern- ization along Bolshevik lines, meaning a violent push for state-sanctioned secularization and urbanization. Unique in the encounter of Soviet Jewish women with modernity was the emergence of two different and fundamen- tally opposed female types: one remarkably radical, the other staunchly tra- ditional.Accordingtothispolarizedmodelofacculturation,themoreradical somewomenbecamethemoreconsciously traditional otherwomenseemed tobecome.10 Thissecularist-traditionalisttensionwasparticularlynoticeable betweenSovietJewishmothersanddaughters. Soviet authorities and activists (mostly male)often measured the success oftheSovietexperimentontheJewishminorityaccordingtotherealorimag- inedabilityofwomentoadapttothenewsystem.DeborahYalen’sarticlein 10On questions of gender and modernization in the context of the female experience of the Bolshevik experiment, see, for example, Sheila Fitzpatrick and Yuri Slezkine, eds., In the Shadow of Revolution: Life Stories of Russian Women from 1917 to the Second World War (Princeton,2000);TarikCyrilAmar,“ReframingSovietization:SovietizationwithaWoman’s Face; Gender and the Social Imaginary of Sovietness in Western Ukraine,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 64 (2016): 363–90. On the specific path to Sovietization of Jewish women in the interwar period, see Elissa Bemporad, Becoming Soviet Jews: The Bolshevik ExperimentinMinsk(Bloomington,IN,2013),esp.ch.6. 1 3 5 Reprinted from the journal

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