Japanese Piracy in Ming China During the 16th Century

126 Pages·1975·27.59 MB·English

by  Kwan-wai So

JAPANESE PIRACY
IN MING CHINA
DURING THE 16TH CENTURY
by
Kwan-wai So
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JAPANESE PIRACY
IN MING CHINA
DURING THE 16TH CENTURY
by
Kwan-wai So
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1975
Contents
PREFACE vii
Copyright @) 1975
CHAPTER ONE-An Introduction: The Historical Background 1
MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Library of Congress Card Catalog Number: 7J-l37841 CHAPTER TWO-Who Were the Wo-k'ou? 15
ISBN o-87013-17g-6 CHAPTER THREE-The Rising Tempo of Smuggling 41
Manufactured in the United States of America
CHAPTER FOUR-Wo-k'ou and Politics 8o
CHAPTER FIVE-Why the Flowering of the Wo-k'ou? 122
CHAPTER SIX-The Subsidence of the Wo-k'ou 145
APPENDIX-The Story of japan 161
*
* Bibliographical Essay 203
* Bibliography
225
*
GLOSSARY
233
*
INDEX
243
ILLUSTRATIONS
MAP 1. "Japanese Pirate" Penetration on Coastal China 8
MAP 2. "Japanese Piracy" in Chiang-nan 9
MAP 3· "Japanese Piracy" in Chekiang 10
MAP 4· "Japanese Piracy" in Fukien
11
CHAPTER ONE
An Introduction: The Historical
Background
In the history of Ming China (1368-1644), Wo-
k'ou is a topic which has been either misunderstood or mistreated by
most historians, both traditional and modern. The term is made up
of the character Wo, 1 which means "Japanese," and the character
k'ou, which means "bandits," "robbers," or "pirates"; hence, the
term is often translated as "Japanese pirates" or "Japanese piracy."
During the Ming dynasty Japanese pirates did plunder the sea
coasts of eastern Asia, ranging from Korea to Indochina. A cursory
examination ofJapanese and Korean sources bears this out.2 Further
more, according to these sources, as early as 1223 Japanese pirates
who raided the Korean coast were the first to be called Wo-k'ou,3 and
such Japanese pirates were active along Asian coasts until the last
quarter of the sixteenth century.
Who were those pirates? Were they all Japanese? Were they orga
nized under Japanese leadership or under the sponsorship of the
rising daimyo on the coastal regions of Japan? Were they manipu
lated by or backed by Japanese authorities? And, more importantly,
what caused all these piratical activities for such a long time?
No satisfactory answers to these questions can be found unless one
places the topic of Wo-k'ou in the context of Japanese or Chinese
_____ + ____ -
JAPANESE PIRACY IN MING CHINA DURING THE t6TH CENTURY 3
history. Placing Wo-k'ou in the context of Chinese history and focus decline. Before that period, the Wo-k'ou made only sporadic raids of
ing on the reign of Chia-ching (1522-1566) will impart a better under the China coast that annoyed rather than threatened the Ming gov
standing of at least one phase ofWo-k'ou and the history of the period ernment. However, the picture changed during the decade when
in general. Wo-k'ou posed as a menace to the most fertile and prosperous areas
Even up to the present, most historians have treated Wo-k'ou of the Empire and then moved on to raid other parts of the southeast
literally or in the narrow sense that they were Japanese pirates and ern coast for a number of years. After that period, as Wo-k'ou sub
have regarded the topic as one important phase of international sided, the seacoast again returned to normal. Hence, it is worthwhile
relationships between Ming China and Japan. Almost all history text to analyze the nature and development of the Wo-k'ou in that partic
books on China and East Asia-whether Chinese, Japanese, Korean, ular period.
or English-have endorsed such a "traditional" interpretation: Japan A brief historical sketch of the international relationships between
was responsible for all the havoc wrought by the Wo-k'ou on the Ming China and Japan from the beginning of the Ming dynasty to the
China coast. After the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, which suspension of their relations caused by widespread Wo-k' ou activities
further enhanced political confusion in China and further blackened provides one with some background of the topic. No attempt is made
the moral character of the Japanese people, Wo-k'ou assumed a new here to give a detailed account of the history of diplomatic relations
significance. This explains why a number of Chinese publications between the two countries in the Ming period. 4
after Japan's invasion of Korea were so colored, thus contributing to As early as the beginning years of his dynasty, Emperor T'ai-tsu5
a misunderstanding of Wo-k'ou. (See "A Bibliographical Essay," on (1368-1398) had difficulties in dealing with the Wo-k'ou, who on some
page 203). Much later, after Japan's invasion of China in the 1930s, the occasions had been invited or induced by followers of the Emperor's
traditional interpretation was naturally not only accepted but former rivals to raid the coast. (See "The Story ofJ apan," on page 161).
strengthened because of aroused nationalism. Despite the use of T'ai-tsu sought to establish amicable relations with Japan, not only to
modern research methods, the later crop of writings totally subscribe spread the prestige of his new dynasty to one more vassal state, but
to the traditional view. It is interesting to note that both Chinese and also to get Japan to stop its people from engaging in piratical activi
Japanese scholars have endorsed this same view but for different ties along the China coast. But his efforts were not reciprocated.
reasons. (See "A Bibliographical Essay.") This may explain why the Japan was also undergoing its period of strife and political disunity
traditional interpretation still prevails in most modern textbooks. and did not achieve a nominal reunification under the new Ashikaga
A careful examination of Ming literature, however, would lead one Shogunate until1392. Still Hushed from the experience of national
to question the adequacy of the term Wo-k'ou. In its broadest sense, consciousness aroused by the Mongols' invasion, the Japanese gov
the term has generally been used to include not only Chinese but a ernment summarily refused to reestablish its traditional relationship
number of other Asian people and even Westerners who happened with China. As.a result, the Chinese Emperor, T'ai-tsu, took the
to come into contact with the Chinese at that time. To mean Japa defense measure of building forts ranging from Shantung to Fukien
nese piracy, the term, as it also has been used, is inadequate in to protect the coastal area against the Wo-k'ou. (See "The Story of
describing the illicit smuggling activities on the China coast. Further Japan," on page 165.) Finally, he severed relations with Japan when
more, Wo-k'ou was as much an internal issue as an external one, the latter was said to have been a party to Prime Minister Hu Wei
intimately related to the government policy toward foreign trade. yung's conspiracy against him.6
All these, therefore, do not fit in with the traditional view; and a T'ai-tsu's immediate successors had better luck, however. During
better understanding of the topic is therefore desired. the reign of Chien-wen (1399-1402), now that the Ashikaga govern
The reason for limiting this study of Wo-k'ou to the Chia-ching ment had succeeded in asserting its supremacy throughout Japan, it
period is because Wo-k'ou reached the zenith of its development in changed its policy and acknowledged China as its suzerain. During
those years and, according to many historians, it inflicted stunning the reign of Yung-lo (1403-1424) the suzerain-vassal relationship be
blows on the dynasty that subsequently accelerated the dynasty's tween the two countries was officially established, and Japan was
4 JAPANESE PIRACY IN MING CHINA DURING THE 16TH CENTURY 5
ordered by decree to come bearing tribute to China once every ten connections with the influential eunuch in charge of customs, was
years with its mission personnel limited to two hundred men and its given priority over Shusetsu both in social status and in the order of
tribute ships to two. customs inspection. Enraged, Shusetsu and his party set fire to So
In the eighth year of Hsiian-te (1433), the stipulation on the Japa kyo's ship, killed a number of his people, and chased Sokyo himself
nese tributary mission was modified, resulting in an increase of the to the walled city ofShao-hsing. On their return to Ningpo, wherever
mission personnel to three hundred men and three ships. Only with they passed, Shusetsu's party set fire to buildings and plundered, took
some minor incidents, this relationship between the two countries a Guard Commander prisoner, and went out to sea in boats they had
continued on this basis up to the Chia-ching period under discussion. captured. (See "The Story of Japan," on page 173.) This series of
From the period of Yung-lo to that of Cheng-te (1506-1521), spo incidents very much aroused the Chinese.
radic Wo raids on China's coast, although gradually lessening in num Yet despite the 1523 incidents and despite serious internal Japa
ber, continued to disturb China. On several occasions the Ming gov nese problems which challenged the basic government there, China
ernment requested the Japanese government to suppress or control still tried to maintain contact with Japan. When the Ouchi family
the Wo-k'ou on islands within its jurisdiction. It is interesting to note sent two missions to China in 1540 and 1549, they were received. 10
that on occasion the Japanese authorities presented the Wo pirates From 1549 onward to the end of the Ming, official relations between
they had captured to please or appease the Ming Court. To the Ming the two countries did come to a complete stop but this might have
government, the Japanese government was responsible for all the been due to the sudden downfall of the Ouchi family and other
Wo raids and the first thing it desired from its relation with the internal upheavals in Japan. Even when Wo-k'ou was at its height in
Japanese authorities was to get rid of the Wo-k'ou. On the other the 1550s the Chinese government still tried to contact Japanese
hand, the Japanese government did not pledge wholehearted coop authorities, urging the latter to control the Wo-k'ou. (See "The Story
eration and in some instances tried to absolve itself of any respon of Japan," on page 182.)
sibilities regarding the Wo-k'ou activities. Yet in the minds of the But the 1523 incidents did contribute to the revival of Wo-k'ou,
Chinese, who did not fully comprehend the changing political condi which had long been in a state of inactivity. It was immediately after
tions in Japan, the Japanese government could control the pirates if events of 1523 that, on the strength of the statement made by Super
it so desired. And this conviction on the part of the Chinese was vising Secretary Hsia Yen11 attributing the troubles to maritime or
further strengthened by the Japanese themselves, who threatened foreign trade, the Minister of Rites recommended to the throne that
the Chinese Court with possible revival of Wo-k'ou activities if the foreign trade in Ningpo area should be forbidden. The approval of
Chinese did not make desired concessions in the interest ofJapanese such a recommendation brought forth a chain of consequential
trade.7 events. At first there was illicit trade between the barbarians12 and
Developments within Japan also influenced Japan's relations with the Japanese people on the one hand, and the coastal Chinese on the
China. Not long after the nominal reunification of Japan by the other. Then troubles arose over business transactions. It happened
Ashikaga Shogunate in 1392, political disunity set in again and cul that some Chinese merchants and influential families 13 fell into debt
minated in the Onin Wars (1467-1477), which left the feudal houses and owed the barbarian or Wo people huge sums of money. Hard
supreme in their own domains. Eyeing the most lucrative tributary pressed by their creditors the Chinese debtors enlisted the help of
trade with China, the three influential families on the coast, the Ise, local authorities, urging them to enforce the maritime interdiction
the Hosokawa, and the Ouchi, struggled with one another to domi on illicit trade. Hence, the barbarian and Wo people were goaded
nate the China trade.8 This caused further complication in the rela into piracy in order to restore their capital or save their own skins.
tion of the two countries when, in the second year of Chia-ching Gradually such piratical and smuggling activities spread from mod
(1523), both the Ouchi and the Hosokawa families sent tributary ern Chekiang northward to the coastal region of Kiangsu and south
missions to China. The envoy of Ouchi, Shusetsu Gendo, arrived at ward to the coastal area of Fukien.
Ningpo9 ahead of the Hosokawa envoy, So Sokyo. But Sokyo, who had Before the Wo-k'ou spread widely on the coast, the Ming Court in
6 JAPANESE PIRACY IN MING CHINA DURING THE 16TH CENTURY 7
1547 strove to stem the evil growth by appointing a very capable ket towns through which the Wo-k'ou passed suffered greatly. A
official, Chu Wan (see Chapter Three), to be the Governor of Che number of fortified garrison posts on the coast as well as a number
kiang with the title of]unior Vice-Censor-in-Chief, also concurrently of islands with good harbors, such as the Chou-shan Islands, were
exercising his authority over the prefectures of Foochow, Hsing-hua, captured and used as headquarters and campsites. In spite of the
Ch'uan-chow and Chang-chow in Fukien. Chu was very serious and large Chinese forces deployed there, several cities were besieged
earnest in discharging his official duties and bitterly antagonized and even Hang-chow, an historically well-known city and the politi
those coastal people, both high and low, who were interested in the cal center of the province, was attacked. Discouraged by losses sus
lucrative foreign trade. In face of the mounting opposition, Chu Wan tained in their encounter with imperial forces, after 1555 the Wo
was disgraced and driven to suicide, and the Court was pressured k'ou gradually moved out of the region either north to Kiangsu or
into relaxing the interdiction (see Chapter Three). south to Fukien. But sporadic raids continued up to 1561. Though
Cancellation of the interdict on sea trade did not help much. In no Fukien was much less prosperous than Kiangsu and Chekiang, yet it
time the waters of modern Kiangsu and Chekiang, the most prosper suffered from the Wo-k'ou at least as much, if not more. Altogether
ous areas for agriculture and handicrafts throughout the empire, eleven cities were taken, one of which was the administrative city of
were infested with illicit traders and there was no longer any govern a Prefecture-Hsing-hua-fu (called P'u-t'ien today).16 Furthermore,
ment supervision of the sea trade. Some lawless elements had also Wo activities lasted longer in Fukien because after the Wo-k'ou left
joined the smugglers, who were not interested in trade, legal or the above-mentioned regions, the majority seemed to have moved
illegal. At first, kidnapping and sporadic raids were common, espe southward. This may explain why Wo piracy continued until the
cially in poorly defended coastal towns. In 1552 a coastal district, middle of the 156os there. Almost all important trade centers on the
Huang-yen in Chekiang, fell into the hands of the Wo-k' ou, who were Fukien coast of the province were under attack at least once, and the
said to have numbered more than ten thousand strong. The inade pirates also went far into the interior. However, during the last years
quate coast defense only helped whet the appetite of the Wo-k'ou, of the Chia-ching period, when well-trained government troops ex
and hence the spread of the Wo-k'ou. ercised increasing pressure on the pirates, the Wo-k'ou shifted fur
Between 1552 and 1559 the Wo-k'ou spread to a very wide area ther southward to the Kwangtung province. By that time, their force
both north and south of the Yangtze delta, into what is modern had already been spent. They were only active in the area close to
Kiangsu and eastern Anhwei. Almost all the garrison posts on the Fukien, trying to take advantage of the fact that that region was
coast were broken into or taken or used as campsites by the Wo. beyond the jurisdiction of Fukien and also far away from the political
During the peak years of their activities-i.e., from 1553 to 1555- authorities of Kwangtung. (See Chapter Six.)
they even quartered their men in some of these posts and used them However, the central and provincial authorities, determined to
as their bases for plundering activities into the interior. Although suppress the Wo pirates, finally succeeded. In 1552, when the Wo
they only broke into about ten district cities, 14 they pillaged numer k'ou began to attack cities, the Ming Court could no longer afford to
ous market towns between walled cities. The fact that some of the be complacent. Caught unprepared for such an emergency, the
Wo even went as far as Anhwei and threatened such urban centers Court only resorted to the old routine of appointing a high-ranking
as Nanking, Soochow, and Yang-chow proved the seriousness of the official with special power to deal with the serious situation. First,
situation. Since that region was the original base of Ming power, the Wang Yii17 was appointed and was soon replaced by Chang Ching18
location of the founder's grave, and a political center next in impor who was thought to have had experience in directing the troops
tance to the metropolitan area of Peking, the Ming Court could not deployed from the frontier regions. Soon Chang was disgraced for
help but be alarmed. mismanagement and blundering and beheaded. It was not until Hu
Between 1552 and 1555 the Wo-k'ou seemed to spread every Tsung-hsien19 was entrusted with the task of suppressing the Wo
where. Because more Chinese troops had been sent to the region of k'ou that the imperial forces began to get the situation under control.
Chekiang, 15 fewer cities (five) were taken; however, unwalled mar- The Court also sent a high-ranking official, Chao Wen-hua (see Chap-
8 JAPANESE PIRACY IN MING CHINA DURING THE 16TH CENTURY 9
CHIANG-NAN
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10 JAPANESE PIRACY IN MING CHINA DURING THE 16TH CENTURY 11
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DURING THE 16TH CENTURY 13
JAPANESE PIRACY IN MING CHINA
lZ
ter Four), to the affected regions to look over the situation and to
adopt the necessary measures. It was through Chao's strong recom NOTES
mendation that Hu was promoted to the high position. Hu succeeded
in exterminating some notorious Wo ringleaders and also in effecting Chapter One
the surrender of Wang Chih,20 the most notorious and most influen
1. The term "Wo'' was first used by the Chinese to refer to the Japanese in such early
tial of Wo leaders. In the course of time, through trial and error, the
historical records as the Han Shu (fhe History of the Han Dynasty) written by Pan
military command reached a high level of efficiency, and the officers Ku and members of his family in the first century A.D. The word itself also means
and troops became well trained and experienced. Even though Hu "dwarf' and hence it sometimes had been used contemptuously by the Chinese in
their reference to Japan. During the T'ang dynasty, the Japanese government began
was removed from command due to internal politics, his successors
to adopt Jih-pen as the name for their country and from then on both names have been
were able to finish the task of suppression. Although piracy lingered used in Chinese literature. See the Han Chu; Hsin T'ang-shu (A New History of the
on for some time in Kwangtung, it was no longer the work of the T'ang Dynasty by Ou-yang Hsiu), and Tsunoda Ryusaku, japan in the Chinese Dynas
tic Histories, p. 4, 40.
Wo-k'ou. (As one can see in "The Story of Japan," on page 161, the
pirates who plagued Kwangtung after the Chia-ching period were
2. The handiest reference for Japanese sources is Chapter Ten of Tanaka Takeo's
definitely Chinese pirates even though they were accused of allying Chusei Kaigai Kosho Shi no Kenkyu (A Study of the History of Foreign Relations
with the Wo.) During the Middle Ages), Tokyo, 1959. in which a great number of Japanese studies
Judging from the above, if the Wo-k'ou during the Chia-ching on piracy are cited. As for Korean sources, see Yijo Sillock (fhe Yi Dynasty Annals
of Korea), passim.
period were really Japanese pirates, it was only tenable for the Chi
nese government to hold the Japanese government responsible, 3· Kao-li shih (History of Korea), chiian zz, as quoted in Tanaka Takeo's Chusei
even though the pirates had not been backed by the Japanese gov Kaigai, p. 259; also Ishihara Michihiro, Wako, Tokyo, 1964, p. 332.
ernment. However, if one examines the Ming literature more care
4· For a good account of the background of relations between the countries, see
fully, one cannot help but wonder at the meaning of the term "Wo
Wang Yi-t'ung, Official Relations Between China and japan (Cambridge, Massachu
k'ou." Who really were those Wo-k'ou? Why did they become setts, 1953) and also the Ming Shih's chapter on Japan, which is translated in Ap
Wo-k'ou? These, indeed, are intriguing problems. pendix I.
5· T'ai-tsu is the temple name given posthumously to the founder of the dynasty,
Chu Yuan-chang. Very often he is also called the Hung-wu Emperor, for Hung-wu is
the name for his reign period.
6. Hu Wei-yung, a native ot Ting-yiian in modern Anhwei, joined the founder's
forces in the early years of the cause. Because of his ability, he became the only prime
minister for several years. In 1380 he was put to death for the alleged heinous crime
of conspiring with the Japanese and the descendants of the Mongol ruling house to
overthrow the new dynasty. Hu's biography appears in the Ming Shih, 308. (From
now on the Ming Shih will be abbreviated to MS.)
7· Wang Yi-t'ung, Offidal Relations Between China and japan, p. 76.
8. Ibid., p. 7 4·
g. Ningpo, located in Chekiang, was where the Japanese envoy of the tribute mission
was required to enter China. It was also where the Office of Trading Ships was set up
to supervise private trade between the people of the two countries.