Islamo-Fascism and the War Against the Jews

137 Pages·2015·0.86 MB·English

by  Horowitz

The Black Book
of the American Left

© 2014 by David Horowitz
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FIRST AMERICAN EDITION
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The black book of the American left : the collected conservative writings of David
Horowitz / by David Horowitz.
volumes cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
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Contents
Introduction to Islamo-Fascism and the War Against the Jews
PART I: Islamo-Fascism
1 · Islamophobia (with Robert Spencer)
2 · Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week
3 · Why “Islamo-Fascism”? (with Robert Spencer)
4 · The Worst Person In the World
5 · Pre-Emptive Strike
6 · Columbia Protests
7 · Vocabulary of War
8 · Opening Day: University of Wisconsin
9 · What We Did Last Week
10 · Campus Slanders
11 · The Problem for Our Country
12 · Encounter with the Enemy in Milwaukee
13 · The Hazards of Speaking
14 · Wilders at Temple
15 · The Most Basic Right
16 · Jew-Hatred at USC
17 · St. Louis University’s Inverted Values
18 · A Disgraceful Evening at Cooper Union
19 · The Anti-Israel Jihad at UCLA
20 · Fear and Loathing in Santa Barbara
21 · Totalitarians Within
PART II: The Middle East Conflict
1 · Why Israel Is the Victim
2 · Our Enemy Is One
3 · The Palestinians’ True Cause
4 · The Next Twist of the Knife
5 · Hunt Down the Terrorists
6 · Censor the Message
7 · The First Terrorist People
8 · Gaza: Moment of Truth
9 · Jihadist Fellow Travelers
10 · Lebanon Is Not Innocent
11 · Death Cult
12 · It’s Munich in Annapolis
13 · The War Against the Jews
PART III: The Campus War Against the Jews
1 · Opposing the Campus War Against Israel
2 · Genocidal Acts at UC San Diego
3 · It’s Time for Jews to Stand Up for Themselves
4 · Suicidal Jews
5 · Palestinian Wall of Lies
6 · Hillel’s Coalition With Israel’s Enemies
7 · How Not to Defend Yourself as a Jew at Yale
8 · Andrew Sullivan’s Defense of Tony Kushner
9 · Defaming Nonie Darwish
10 · A Malignant Cause
11 · Jews Who Stand with Their Enemies
INTRODUCTION TO VOLUME IV
Islamo-Fascism and the War Against the Jews
L
ike the previous installments of The Black Book of the
American Left, this volume addresses the role progressives
played in undermining the defense of Western civilization
against the totalitarian forces determined to destroy it. The present
volume focuses on the holy war or jihad waged by totalitarian
Islamists in their quest for a global empire. It is divided into three
sections, the first and third of which contain narratives of campaigns I
organized to confront the growing Islamist presence on American
college campuses. While these accounts describe a cultural conflict in
university communities, they have implications for a parallel culture
war in the society at large.
The Achilles’ heel of democratic societies, as the Polish philosopher
Leszek Kolakowski once observed, is also their moral foundation—the
principle of tolerance, which they extend even to those who want to
destroy them.1 The Islamists understand this vulnerability and
therefore have exploited it as a central strategy along with the
intimidation they conduct through terror. By deploying defamatory
expressions like “bigotry” and “Islamophobia,” they seek to
stigmatize their opponents, namely anyone who attempts to draw
attention to the political nature of their movement, its imperialistic
ambitions, its support for terrorism, its oppression of women, its
hostility to other religions, and its virulent hatred of Christians and
Jews. By casting themselves as the victims of religious persecution,
Islamists have succeeded to a remarkable extent in censoring and
marginalizing these critics. The narratives included in this volume
illustrate these strategies and their agents in action.
The Islamists’ success in the wider society is evidenced in the
censorship that even government agencies have imposed on their own
utterances, and on the institutional guides they have developed for
dealing with national security threats. For example, the 9/11
Commission Report on the Islamic attacks of September 2001 referred
to “Islam” 322 times, used the word “Muslim” 145 times and ”jihad”
(holy war) 126 times. But even though Osama bin Laden called his
jihad a religious war against “the Jews and Crusaders,” the Bush
administration described its response to the 9/11 attacks as a “War on
Terror” without any reference to Islam. By using the neutered term
“terror” to describe the Islamist threat, the administration obscured
not only the religious nature of the attacks but the fact that the
Islamists did not confine their tactics to military strikes but also
pursued their goals through sophisticated political movements
designed to infiltrate and subvert non-Muslim societies.2
By the end of more than a decade of pressure from domestic
Islamists and the political left, the religious nature of the war had
become practically invisible, even to American counterterrorism
organizations. In the words of one member of the House
subcommittee on crime, terrorism and homeland security, “The
current FBI counterterrorism lexicon, [which describes] the language
they can use, does not include ’jihad,’ does not include ‘Muslim,’ does
not include ‘Islam.’ It includes ‘violent extremism’ many times, but it
does not include ’sharia’ [the Islamic law jihadists are seeking to
impose globally]. It does not even include ‘Al-Qaeda,’ ‘Hezbollah,’ or
‘Hamas.’ Even the National Intelligence Strategy 2009 does not
include references to ’jihad,’, ‘Muslim,’ or ‘Islam.’”3
When the Obama administration took office in 2009, even more
changes were instituted to shield not only the public but also the
Department of Homeland Security and counter-intelligence agencies
from the fact that the war against the West was based on an ideology
shared by millions (probably hundreds of millions) of devout Muslims
and sponsored by heavily armed Islamic regimes; or from the fact that
it was a war at all. Under Obama, even the denatured term “War on
Terror” was dropped from official pronouncements and replaced by
the meaningless subterfuge, “overseas contingency operations.” The
Obama administration designated the largest post-9/11 attack on
American soil, the 2009 massacre of 13 American soldiers by a
jihadist screaming ”Allahu Akbar,” as “workplace violence,” denying
the 39 soldiers wounded in the attack the Purple Hearts they had
earned.4
“Islamophobia,” the opening chapter of this volume, is an essay co-
authored with Robert Spencer, one of the foremost scholars of Islam
and a valued colleague. It describes the international campaign to
marginalize and ultimately silence critics of the jihad through the
passage of what would amount to anti-blasphemy laws. Anti-
blasphemy laws are the cornerstones of totalitarian states, outlawing
speech that challenges their rule. Such laws have already been
adopted by several Islamic governments. The agenda of the
Islamophobia campaign is to make them universal—a goal reflected in
resolutions the Islamic states have been able to push through the UN.
Until such time as Islamists are able to establish these laws in the
western democracies, the strategy of the jihadists is to use the
principle of tolerance to justify suppressing criticism of Islam-inspired
terror or Islam-mandated oppression by characterizing it as an attack
on all Muslims, and therefore as “racist” and “bigoted” hate speech.
The first half of this volume contains a running account of the
campaign I organized in the fall of 2007 to publicize the term “Islamo-
Fascism,” and make it part of the national debate. The idea
crystallized during an evening event I held on March 2, 2007 at a
Conservative Pac Conference (CPAC) attended by 500 college
students.5 One of the attendees, Michael Abdurakhmanov, a student
from Pace University had attempted to screen the film Obsession:
Radical Islam’s War Against the West on his campus. Because
Obsession documented the jihadist agendas of Islamist organizations
like Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, the film became the target
of a nationwide campaign led by the Council on American-Islamic
Relations (CAIR), a Hamas-linked Muslim Brotherhood front group.
The campaign claimed the film was Islamophobic, racist, and an
attack on all Muslims, although it was nothing of the kind.6 Another
Brotherhood front, the Muslim Students Association, complained to
the Pace administration, prompting the president of the university to
issue an order that the film not be shown, a blatant violation of the
First Amendment that was reversed months later.7
Our speaker for the CPAC evening, former senator Rick Santorum,
related how during a White House visit he attempted to persuade
President Bush to use the term “Islamo-Fascist” to describe America’s
global enemy. He said Bush did use it but only one time because of
the immediate uproar from Islamist groups like CAIR and the
political left, which claimed it was “offensive” to Muslims.
Santorum’s words prompted me to do something about the
suppression of the film and the term. Taking the microphone, I
announced that I was declaring April 4 “Islamo-Fascism Awareness
Day” and would show Obsession simultaneously on 100 college
campuses on that date. There had never been such a coordinated
conservative event, and, as the words left my lips, I realized that I had
stepped out on a very long limb. There was little time to organize
such a demonstration, but when the day came we were able to put
together showings of the film on 96 college campuses and at four
other locations. When it was over, I thought, “If we can do this with a
day, we can do it with a week,” and began planning to do just that in
the fall.
From the attacks of September 2001 until the fall of 2007, the term
“Islamo-Fascism” had been all but banned from public discourse—
most incomprehensibly in the university community, the center of
the nation’s intellectual discourse, where presumably every idea
exists to be examined. Aside from a handful of conservatives and
Christopher Hitchens, a radical chastened by the attacks of 9/11,
virtually no one was using this term. Or, more precisely, no one was
willing to take the risk of using this term, given the kind of slander
that CAIR and its supporters on the left were ready to direct at them.
I called our campaign “Islamo-Fascism Awareness Week,” which
effectively introduced the words and concept to the university public.
The term “Islamo-Fascism” properly identified the religious nature
of the jihadist threat along with its totalitarian implications—two
hitherto-suppressed realities that were vital to understanding the
enemy we faced. Beginning October 22, 2007, we held events on over
100 college campuses and were able to organize repeat campaigns,
with new themes added, through three semesters. By the fourth
semester, the novelty had worn off and we were obliged to come up
with a new but related effort, which is described in Part II of this