Irano-Turcica: The Kazar Sacral Kingship Revisited

34 Pages·1.903 MB·English

by  Golden P.B.

Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung. Volume 60 (2), 161 194 (2007)
DOl: 10 1556/A Orient 60.2007.2.2
IRANO-TURCICA:
THE KIIAZAR SACRAL KINGSHIP REVISITED*
Peter B. Golden
Department of History, Rutgers University
Conklin Hall, 175 University' Avenue. Newark, NJ 07102, USA
e-mail : pgolden@andromeda. rutgers.edu
The ruling house and core tribes of the Khazar empire did not share the same tribal or, in many
instances, ethnic origins as those of the Qaganate’s diverse subject population. The Khazar rulers
were heirs of the Ttlrk qaganal charisma. Although aspects of sacral rule and dual kingship can be
seen in the Tdrk and other Inner Asian nomad-based empires, it was only in Khazana that the Qagan
became a sacralised, tabuised figure. This transformation occurred in the 9th century and may
reflect the influence of the Ors, the Khwarazmian-Iranian guard of the Qagan and the chief minister
drawn from their ranks.
Key words: Khazars, sacral kingship, royal charisma, Ors, Khwarazmian guard corps.
As was typical of a number of polities in mediaeval Eurasia, the Khazar ruling
qaganal house and its core tribes did not share the same tribal or, in many instances,
ethnic origins as those of the Qaganate’s diverse subject population. Charismatic
ruling houses in much of Eurasia provided a set of royal traditions, origin myths and
ideologies of heavenly mandated rule which could, in the proper circumstances, serve
as the framework to create a “people”. This was true of the Latino-Celto-Germanic
world of the early Middle Ages (Geary 2002, pp. 74-78) (or at least that is argued by
the followers of the Traditionskern school in Gillett 2002) and it also appears to be
true of the steppclands to the East where we find “charismatic” ruling clans and their
immediate clanal or tribal entourages which become the Traditionstrager and foun­
ders of polities. Here too, as Gyorgy Gyorffy notes, rulers frequently “constituted a
supra-national organisation”. In “nomadic empires, rulers often took wives from other
countries and surrounded themselves with escorts of foreign bodyguards, scribes and
’ An earlier and much briefer version of this paper was given at “Pre-Modem Russia and its
World. A Symposium Honoring the Work of Thomas S. Noonan”, University of Minnesota. Nov.
1 -2, 2002 and was published as Golden (2006).
0001-6446 / S 20,00 2007 Ahudi-mm Kiadd. Budapest
162 P B GOLDEN
artisans” (Gyorffy 1994, p. 87). The Khazar Qagans, surrounded by their wives and
concubines coming from the subject population, and Khwarazmian guard corps (the
Ors) (Ibn Fadlanl939, Arabic text, p. 44, Germ, trans., p. 100; al-Mas‘udi 1966,1, pp.
213-215; see also Golden 1990, pp. 39-46 and Golden 2001, pp. 153-170), nicely
illustrate this phenomenon. However, contemporaries were struck by many unusual
elements of Khazar socio-political structure. Al-Mas‘udi comments, for example, that
“among the kings of the East in this region, there is no one who has hired soldiers
(junud murtaziqa) except for the king of the Khazars” (al-Mas‘udi 1966,1, p. 214).
The Khazar ruler was one of the great, larger than life, Figures of his age.
According to the Farsndma of lbn al-Balxt (12th century, but reflecting older pre­
Islamic Iranian traditions), the Sasanid Shah, Xusraw AnuSirvan (531-578) kept
three golden thrones on the right and left sides of his throne, reserved for the kings of
China, Byzantium and the Khazars, monarchs on his level, should they come to visit
him (Ibn al-Balkhi 1921, p. 97; see also Christensen 1971, pp. 411-412). This was
an old notion among the ancient empires of Eurasia: the community of heavenly-
mandated rulers. The Chinese sources make reference to the four sons of Heaven: the
crowned heads of China, India, Rome, and the Yuezhi (Konow 1929, pp. 162-163).
The latter represented the “nomadic northlands”.
The Khazar Sacral Kingship
Among the most striking institutions of the Khazar Qaganate was a form of dual
kingship with a fully articulated sacral ruler - although it might be noted that sacral
kingship in one form or another (i.e. rulers claiming divine origins or a heavenly man­
date) w'as the monarchic norm across Eurasia for much of recorded history (Al-Az-
meh 2004, p. 10). Nonetheless, the Khazar Qaganate had some unique features. Our
most explicit descriptions of the Khazar sacral Qaganate are found in the Muslim
sources dating to the late 9th-11th centuries, but largely based on slightly earlier
accounts as well as contemporary information.1
Al-Ya‘qubi (writing ca. 891, d. 897), in his Ta 'rix (“History”) has a section on
the kingdoms of the North, descended from the sons of Japheth and of “Tagarma.” 1
1 The earliest notices come from a group of sources that are derived from the works of al-
Jaihani, a vezir of probable Khwarazmian origin in the serv ice of the Samanids in the early 10th
century. His works, in particular the Kitab Masalik al-Mamalik (ca. 900), have not survived but are
reflected in the geographical and historical writings of his contemporary, Ibn Rusta (d. 913), in the
work of the anonymous author of the Hudiid al-‘Alam (987), and in the histories of Gardizi (mid-
1 Ith century), al-Bakri (d. 1094), and al-Marwazi (d. sometime after 1120). The latter has a rather
truncated account that does not touch on the theme of interest to us. Al-Jaihani’s scholarship and
patronage extended to Abu Zaid Balxi, the founder of the “classical school” of Muslim geographers
and others from whom a number of valuable notices on our theme stem. As Khwarazm, an oasis
city-state, was deeply involved in trade with the steppe peoples, much of the information gathered
by al-Jaihani must have come directly from Khwarazmian merchants, see Krackovskij (1955­
1960, pp. 219ff.>; Zaxoder (1962,1, pp. 46-49); Kmosko (1997, pp. 49-54); and the very thorough
study of Gockenjan Zimonyi (2001).
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IRANO-TURCICA: THE KHAZAR SACRAL KINGSHIP REVISITED 1 63
He notes a series of peoples: “The Butjan, Dailam, Babr, Jaylasan, Jilan, Filan, Alans
(al-Lan), the Khazars, Dudaniyya and Arman. The Khazars conquered the people of
the country of Armenia. Over them there is a king called Xaqan and he has a deputy
called *Yazir BulaS”. (The mss. have: j* all in variants without dots, most
probably for Yazir Bulas jiji) or o-Vjj YulaS etc. (Al-Ya‘qubi 1883, 1, pp.
203-204).)2
The dating of the Khazar conquest of Armenia (more probably a major raid) is
uncertain. Al-Ya‘qubi goes on to note that the areas conquered by the Khazars were
“Fourth Armenia”, which was taken by the Sasanid Shah QubadVKawad (488-531).
He then describes other Persian conquests in Daghistan and concludes with the Byz­
antine defeat of the Persians and their appointment of a king for the region. Dunlop
(1954, pp. 20-22) was prepared to date the Khazar conquest and the existence of the
dual kingship to the era of Kawad/Qubad, but then noted the difficulties in positing a
mature Khazar Qaganate with a “deputy" in an era even before the foundation of the
Turk Empire in 552. Dunlop was also prepared to see the Khazars “on the scene” by
the time of Qubad and Anusirwan (531-579), but emerging as a Qaganatc only after
the decline of the Western Turks. He suspected that al-Ya‘qubi’s source was Hi§am
al-Kalbi (d. 204/819) who received his information from his father (d. 146/763), thus
placing the data to the mid-8th century. This may be so, but it seems equally possible
that al-Ya‘qubi updated the information he took from Hisam al-Kalbi or the latter
himself added this notice about rule among the Khazars by a Qagan and “his deputy”
bringing his information into line with what was known in his time. Moreover,
“deputy” does not necessarily imply a co-ruler. The notice, then, could well refer to
any one of a number of Khazar raids in Transcaucasia in the 8th century with ad­
ditional information on Khazar governance updated to either al-Ya‘qubi’s or his
source’s era (9th century). It is even more likely that this “conquest” of Armenia
sometime during the era of Qubad was carried out by some other “Hunnic” peoples
anachronistically now called Khazars by our source who adds the information about
a deputy ruler, a Khazar institution becoming more familiar to Arab readers of his-
torical-ueouraDhical literature.
Ibn Rusta (d. 913): “They (the Khazars, PBG) have a king who is called isa,
the greater king, however, is the Khazar xaqan. (But,) he does not have the obedience
(ta'a) of the Khazars except in name. The (full) extent of the (management of the)
affairs of state are upon the isa since, as concerns leadership and the armies, he is in
a position in which he does not heed anyone who is above him. Their greater king is
an adherent of Judaism as is also the /To and those from among the leaders and great
ones who sympathise with his inclinations (yamilu maylahu). The rest of them profess 1
1 His History goes up to 873. For mss. forms, sec Golden (1980,1, pp. 217-218).
* Correctly: ISad) on this form, see Golden (2005, pp. 212-213). Bad is a Khazar form of
Ixsad, a high title of Iranian (most probably of Sogdian or Khwarazmian origin, cf. Sogd. 'ßtyd.
Lx.fdd usually Arabised as Ixiid/fxsid (Ibn Xurdädhbih, malik Fargana [ 'xSid\ or ixsad)
and related to Türk Sad. These stem from Old Pers. XsdyaQriya/xsdila, Avest. xsdeta > Middle
Pers. sah or cf. also Saka Sao. See also Bombaci (1974), but how xfdyaOiya produced Türk sad
remains unexplained. Clauson (1972, p. 866; 1975, p. 45).
Acta Orient Hung 60. 2007
164 P. B GOLDEN
a faith similar to that of the Turks.” (Ibn Rusta 1892, p. 139.)4 Further on, he notes:
“Their king, the ISa imposes on the people of power and affluence among them (the
provision) of horsemen according to the amount of their properties (qad wa+zafa ma-
hkuhum lid 'aid ahli quwwati wa’l-yasdri m inhum Jursanan 'aid qadri amwdlihim)
and the extent (ittisd0 of their circumstances (ahwalihim) with regard to income
(ma ay). They raid the Bajanak (Pcchenegs) every year [or: throughout the year].
This Isa takes upon himself the conduct of the expedition (al-xuruj ) and goes forth
on his razzias with his soldiers. They have a gracious outward appearance. When
they go forth in any direction, they go forth completely armed, in full gear (mihalldt),
(with) flags (a lam), spears (firrdddt) and sturdy coats of mail (jawdsin muhkama).
His horsemen number 10,000 riders, of whom (there are) those who are bound to
them by wages (mirnman huwa murtabifun ujriya ‘alaihini') and among them (there
are those) whom he has imposed ([qad nazza/a] as an obligation) on the wealthy.
When they go forth in any direction, something like a sun-shaped disk (sarnsa7) is
prepared after the fashion of a tambourine/drum (‘aid son at ad-duff) and a horseman
carries it in his hands, going in front of him.*' He goes and his soldiers follow him,
catching sight of the light of this sun-disk. When they take war booty, they gather
4 See also Dunlop (1954, pp. 104 105) for a slightly different rendering; German trans. in
Göckenjan - Zimonyi (2001, pp. 52-53).
' This is the widely shared view of this sentence, e.g. G. Wiet's translation (1955, p. 157):
"Cet Isha commande en person ces expeditions”; that of Lewicki (1956 1988, If/2, pp. 28/29); "Sam
I§a zajmuje si? organizaci^ wyprawy i udaj? si? na swe ekspedycje wojenne wraz ze swymi wojow-
nikami.” Göckenjan Zimonyi (2001, p. 54, n. 21), however, noting that the mss. and Gardizi have
xanij, emended here by de Goeje to xurüj, remark that "diese sonst plausible Emendation wird je­
doch von G nicht bestätigt”. Hence, they render the passage as "Dieser l§ä zieht in eigener Person
die Steum ein und rückt bei seinen Streifzügen mit seinen Heeren aus”.
6Göckenjan-Zimonyi (2001, p. 54) "mit solchen, denen er einen festen Sold gezahlt hat,
und denen, die er unter den Reichen ausgehoben hat”. Turk, trans. p. 292; i$ä, muhärebeye defterde
mukayycd ve crzaki hükümct tarafmdan venlen on bin süväri ilc ?ikardi [ntimmun huwa murta-
hi/un ajrä 'alaihim / mirnmcn huve murtabitun ecrä alayhim] ; kendiierin vazife verilmek süretiyle
askerlige baglanmi$ olanlarda or askerligc bagli olup kendilenne askerlik ah$tinlmi$.
? Dozy (1881, I, p. 786): sarnsa “ornament rond, petite boule en forme de soleil”; Lewicki
(1956- 1988, IL/2. pp. 64 65). referencing Xvol’son (1869. p. 689), also notes the report from the
8th-century Armenian historian Lewond about the victory of Zaid ben Amru el-Xara5i (Sa'id b.
‘Amr al-HaraSi over the Khazars in 731 (noted also by al-Ya‘q(ibi and al-Baladuri) in which he
says that the Arabs captured a copper emblern/standard with an image which the Arabs have kept
up to this day. Xvol'son identified the iamsa with this, suggesting that it w'as like the standards
used by various Turkic tribes. Lewicki adds "the existence of such an object and its use as a
military standard can be viewed as (as symbol) of the cult of the moon or of the sun which is noted
among the Turkic beliefs of the Khazars {moina tluntaczyi kullern ksi&yca czy slonca wysU;-
pujqcym n tureckich wierzeniach Chazardw). According to the sources, the leader of the Huns [he
has the Xiongnu in mind here, PBG] came out from his camp every morning to bow before the
rising sun and in the evening bowed to the moon. The Huns [Xiongnu, PBG] also had the custom of
going out on campaign at the time of a dill moon (see Biöurin 1950, 1, p. 50). The brightly flashing
disk (Owa hbszczqca tareza) of the Khazar leader could, then, symbolise the full moon, which is
propitious for military expeditions.”
* Göckenjan-Zimonyi (2001, p. 54): "so wird ihm ein schirmähnliches Symbol vorgetra­
gen, das wie eine Hantrommcl aussieht”.
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1RANO-TURCICA: THE KHAZAR SACRAL KINGSHIP REVISITED 1 65
this booty, all of it, in his army camp (mu 'askar). Then, the ISä selects what he likes
and takes it for himself and he releases the rest of the booty to them to be divided
among them.” (Ibn Rusta 1892, pp. 139-140.)9
The Hudüd al-‘Alam (anonymous author, 987): “...the king, who is called
Tarxän Xäqän and is one of the descendants of Ansä (?). He lives with all his troops
in the western half of the town which possesses a wall. In the other half live Muslims
and idol-w'orshippers. This king has in this town seven governors belonging to seven
different creeds. At any hour when a more important litigation arises, they ask the king
for instructions, or inform him of the decision (taken) on that litigation.” [Hudud/Su-
tudah 1340/1962, p. 193; //i^iW/Minorsky 1970, pp. 161-162.)
Änsä [L-ii] may be a corruption of Ashina [Uuii], the royal house of the Tiirks
- although this remains a matter of contention.
Ansä [L*il] may be a corruption of Ashina [U^l], the royal house of the Tiirks
- although this remains a matter of contention.
Gardizi (mid-11th century): “They have a king, his name/title (worn) is *had.10
There is a great king. They call the great king Xazar Xäqän. He has the title and that
is all (wo has). As for the central (control) of all the affairs of state and the entourage
(hasam), this is incumbent on the *Isad. There is no one greater than the Isdd. Their
greater chief is a Jew and the had is also a Jew. And whoever is inclined to (these)
two, from among the commanders and great ones, is likewise. The rest profess a
religion that resembles the religion of the (juz Turks." (Gardizi/Habibi, p. 580)"
With reference to the army, he has more details than Ibn Rusta: “Every year they go
on campaign (B: bi-harb, H: hi-gazw on raids) in the land of the PeCenegs. From
there they bring back goods {mal, perhaps “livestock”) and captives {barda). This
käd takes (carries away, mi-sitdnad) his own taxes (xardj-i xiid) and dispenses {tafri-
qa kunad) [them] to the soldiers. It happens that sometimes (H: gdh) they also make
war on the Guzz (Oguz) and Burdas [guzz wa burdas or gazw-i burdds “war with the
Burdas]. They have banners, spears (B: firrddhä, H: farawaha “pennants”) and sturdy
coats of mail and good armor. When the king of the Khazars sits upon {bar-na§inad
j i ) his horse to go forth, 10,000 cavalrymen rise out with him. Of them, some
receive salaries {pustagdni-xwdr “stipend,” B: pUkdni-xwdr, H: bistagani “monthly
pension, wages, pay of an army”)1' and some are from the military following (B:
wadi ‘at, H: wad'iyat) of the powerful (taken as tribute to the king) who go out with
the king with their ow'n arms and military apparatus (bi-.sdz u alat-i xwiS). When they
lead out the army and go somewhere, they leave at home numerous troops {laskar-i
anbüh) in order to guard (re bahr-i nigdh ddstan) (their) families and goods (buna).
* See also Dunlop (1954, pp. 104 105) for a slightly different rendering; German trans. in
Göckenjan-Zimonyi (2001. pp. 52—53).
10 In the most recent edition, Gardizi/Habibi (1984, p. 580) this is mistakenly given as 4-ili
(’Bad) for 4-V (’ySad). The latter reading is clear from the two extant mss., sec Golden (1980,1, pp.
206-207).
11 See also Pers. text and Russ, trans. in Gardizi/Barthold (1963-1977): Pers. p. 36. Russ,
p. 57; Gardizi /Martinez (1982, pp. 152-153); Göckenjan Zimonyi (2001, p. 166).
i; Göckenjan - Zimonyi (2001, p. 167): “Einige von diesen sind Söldner, wahrend einige
(andere) Gefolgsleute der Grossen sind, die mit dem König in eigener Rüstung ausziehen,” here
following Martinez, 154 “Some of these are salaried [troops], while some (others) arc from the
retainers and clients of the wealthy (men az jehat o §ani‘at-e tavängarän).”
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166 P B GOLDEN
They have advance guards (tald'i) that (always) go before (in front of) the artny.
They (always) carry in front of the king candles (sum ‘aha3) and torches (nafdthd)
made of wax (H: p. 582) so that by its light (ba-rowsand'i-yi an) he goes with the
army. When they take war booty, they collect it all (B: hama gird kunand) in the army
camp. First their commander removes (bar-darad) whatever of the war booty he
wants. The rest he divides among the soldiers (Gardizi/Habibi 1984, pp. 581-582).14
Al-Bakri (1094): “Their king does not have their obedience (fa'a) except in
name. The direction of (state) affairs is in the hands of the ijji) {Iran sdh, obvi­
ously a garbling of Isdd, PBG). He is the one who commands their armies and he
possesses their obedience...They bring their most obscure affairs to the attention of
their great one who is called Xaqan Xazar. He is greater in power among them than
the king.” (Al-Bakri 1992, pp. 447-448; Gockenjan-Zimonyi 2001, pp. 226, 227.)
Another cluster of information stems from the school of al-Balxi (850-934)
(Kraekovskij 1955-1960,1, pp. 194fT; Zaxoder 1962, I, pp. 49-51; Kmosko 1997,
pp. 73-74), preserved in the accounts of al-l$[axri (mid-10th century) and Ibn Haw-
qal (wrote ca. 977) who closely follows him. These notices are much more detailed.
Al-Isfaxri: “The king lives in the western part of [the capital]. The king is
called in their tongue beg (^) and he is also called *yi/ig (text: bak, recte: 4lL ylk
= yilig: yelig “prince”15) ... As concerns their governance and affairs of the kingdom
among them, their supreme leader ( azimuhum) is called “Xaqan Xazar”. He is greater
than the king of the Khazars except that the king of the Khazars is the one who
installs him (in office). When they want to install this “xaqan”, they bring him to him
[the king] and choke him with a silk (cord) until his breath is nearly cut off. They say
to him ‘for how long a period do you wish (to have) the kingship?" And he says so
many and so many years. If he dies before then (there is no problem); he is not killed
unless he reaches that year (that he named). The Qaganate is not permitted (to any)
among them except for the members of a house of notables” [ahl bait ma'rufin]. He
does not have the power to command or forbid anything. Nonetheless, he is held in
esteem and they prostrate themselves before him when they go in to him. No one
conies near him except for a group that goes (to him) such as the king and those of
his stratum (in society). The king does not go in to him, except for a (special) event
(hddita). When he goes in to him, he rolls in the dust, prostrates himself and stands at
a distance until he is permitted to draw near. When great difficulties {hazb a^im)
befall them, the “Xaqan” is brought out into the open by him. None of the Turks and
those of the different groups of unbelievers who are near them, sees him without de­
parting. They do not fight w ith him out of respect for him. When he dies and is buried,
no one passes his tomb without dismounting and prostrating himself before him. He
does not mount (again) until his tomb is lost from sight. Their obedience to their king
11 The confusion with iamsa.
14 Sec also Pers. text and Russ, trans. in Gardizi/Barthold (1963- 1977), Pers. p. 36, Russ,
p. 57; Gardizi/Martinez (1982, p. 154); Gockenjan Zimonyi (2001, pp. 167-168).
15 Cf. the Old Hungarian *yeleg (’le/lex), see discussion in Golden (1975, pp. 37-43). This
is from Turk ellig “(junior) king, prince” (cf. Turk, ellig, elig “having a realm, king, ruler, master"
< el “realm”, Clauson (1972, pp. 141-142); Erdal (2004. p. 51)).
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IRANO-TURCICA: THE KHAZAR SACRAL KINGSHIP REVISITED 167
is to such a degree that when it is required that one of them, perhaps, is to be killed
and he is from among their great ones and the king docs not want to kill him in a
public fashion (zähiran), he orders him to kill himself. He departs for his home and
kills himself. The Qaganate is within a group of relatives (qaum). They do not have
royal power or wealth. When the leadership falls to one of them, they award it to him
without paying attention to his state.” (Al-I$(axri 1927, pp. 220, 224; see also Dunlop
1954, pp. 91,97-98.)
Al-I§taxri goes on to note that the Qagan and only the Qagan had a golden
throne and that his domiciles, whether his tent when he went forth or his home in
Atil/itil, were always higher than that of the king (al-I$(axri 1927, pp. 224-225;
Dunlop 1954, p. 98). He also notes the presence of seven religious judges, two each
for the Jews, Muslims and Christians and one for the pagans (al-l$(axri 1927, p. 221;
Dunlop 1954, p. 93). Ibn HawqaPs account is basically the same (lbn Hawqal 1992,
pp. 330, 334-335).
With lbn Fadlan we have a report from a man who journeyed to Volga Bulgaria
as part of a caliphal embassy to that uneasy vassal of the Khazar Qagans in 921 -922.
His lengthy account appears to be based on communications he received from local
informants about Khazar customs and governance and contains unique information.
Ibn Fatjlan: “As concerns the king of the Khazars, his name is Xäqän. He does
not appear (in public) except for one time every four months for a promenade (muta-
nazzahanl6) [apart from the masses]. He is called the Great Xäqän and his deputy
(xalifatuhu) is called the Xäqän Bah [Bäh].1 He is the one who commands the armies
and governs. He directs the affairs of state and manages it. He makes public appear­
ances and goes on military campaigns. The kings who neighbor him submit to him.
Every day, he enters into the presence of the greater Xäqän, humbly, showing humil­
ity and devout tranquility (sakina). He only enters his presence barefoot and has
firewood in his hand. Having greeted him, he ignites the firewood in his hands.
When the fuel is all consumed, he sits with the king, on his throne, on his right side.
He has a deputy who is called *Kündü Xäqän [text recte: ,8].
This man also has a deputy, a man called jawStgr [j*4*-j^ ].19 The customary
practice of the greater king is that he does not sit (in meetings) with the people; he
6 The verb lanazzaha “to be far from something, to go for a walk, to promenade” < nazuha
“to be far from, be untouched, unblemished, steer clear of..." (see Wehr 1994, p. 1125) was under­
stood in the latter sense by Togan in his rendering of the passage, see Ibn Facjlan (1939, p. 98)
“entfernt (von den Massen)’’. It rather denotes the idea of a ceremonial progression by a figure who
remains remote from the mass of people.
1 This is the Qagan Beg. Ibn Fadlän’s <i bäh ~ Khazar beh < hex (cf. the itty of Constan­
tine Porphyrogenitus, see below) < beg < beg. The beg form may have entered Hungarian, beg >
beii, biiii > bo “full, rich”, see TESz (I. pp. 356-357) and Golden (2005, pp. 209-210).
IH This is the title kiindii, found among the Hungarians as kende. on this title see Ligeti
(1986, pp. 49,254, 368, 482, 484), the title of the Hungarian sacral king. The mss. all have kundur,
see Golden (1980.1, pp. 200 ■ 202; 2005, pp. 213 - 214).
19 The reading of this title is unclear. Klyashtomy (1997, pp. 22-23), suggests: jav
+ Sungar = £av (Old Turk, cavil “falcon, hunting bird”) and and sungqar “falcon, gerfalcon,” cf.
Qaraxanid Cavh Beg “head of the royal falcon hunting", a high dignitary in the Qaraxanid state.
Acui Orient. Hung 60. 2007
168 P B. GOLDEN
does not speak with them and no one enters his presence except for those whom we
have mentioned. Sovereignty in the exercise of governmental power and the imple­
mentation of punishments and the direction of the kingdom rests with his deputy, the
Xaqan Bah. It is the customary practice of the greater king that when he dies a great
abode is built for him. In it arc twenty cells'0 and a tomb is dug in each of the cells.
The stones are broken until they become like pulverised kohl (antimony) and are
spread out over it and lime is thrown over that. Under the abode is a river. It is a
great river which runs (under it). They direct the river over that tomb and they say
that it does not allow the Devil to draw near nor does it allow a man or a maggot or
insects (to come near). When he is buried, they cut the necks of those who buried
him so that no one will know where his tomb is among those twenty cells. They call
his tomb “Paradise”. They say he has entered Paradise. They spread brocade sewn
w ith gold over all the cells. It is the customary practice of the king of the Khazars to
have twenty-five wrives. Each wife is the daughter of the kings whom he has cap­
tured, taking them either voluntarily or under duress...When this king goes forth on
horseback, the rest of the army rides out on horseback with him. They maintain a dis­
tance of one mile betw een him and the riders. None of his subjects sees him without
dropping to the ground to prostrate himself in his presence and does not raise his
head until he has passed by. The length of their kingship is forty years. If he goes
past that by one day, his subjects and entourage kill him. They say “his mind has be­
come diminished and his good sense has become confused” (Ibn Fadlan 1939, Arabic,
pp. 43-44; German pp. 98-101; see also Dunlop 1954, pp. 111-113).
Ibn Fadlan adds further that he has the power of life and death over his troops
(Ibn Fadlan 1939, Arabic, p. 44; German p. 101).
Al-Mas‘udi, writing in the 930s provides further details. After a discussion of
the [al-Orsiyya = Ors], the Khwarazmian guard/comitatus of the Khazar king,
he notes that “king of the Khazars has complete trust in them in his wars”.21 They
have special “arrangements” (sunlit) with the Khazar rulers, one of which is the pro­
vision that “the vezirate be from among them. The vezir, in our time, is one of them.
He is Abmad b. Kuya (or Kuba)” (al-MasTidi I, p. 213). Al-Mas‘udi then adds: “Our
report wras not about the king of the Khazars, (rather), we mean here the Xaqan. That
is because in the Khazar kingdom there is a Xaqan. It is his customary practice that
he is in the hands (i.e. under the authority, PBG) of a king, other than him, (living) in
his abode [dar] (that of the king, PBG). And the Xaqan is inside a castle. He is not
allowed to ride forth nor to appear before the people of distinction (al-xdffa) nor the
common folk; nor is he allowed to go out from his residence. W'ith him (there in the
king’s house, pbg) is his personal household (haramuhu). He does not give orders,
nor does he proscribe nor manage anything of the affairs of the kingdom in any w ay.
The royal authority of the Khazars is not in order [la yastaqimu] for their king unless
the Xaqan is w ith him in the capital of his kingdom, with him in his castle. When the
land (ard) of the Khazars suffers from drought or a misfortune befalls their country
bail “house, domicile” etc., here “cell”, see Dozy ( 1881,1, p. 131) bait “alvéole”.
Lit. “upon them is the dépendance (mu 'awwal) of the King of the Khazars in his wars”
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IRANO-TURCICA: THE KHAZAR SACRAL KfNGSHIP REVISITED 169
or they face a war against other nations or some other matter comes upon them, the
common folk and the people of distinction rush to the king of the Khazars and say to
him ‘we have seen a bad omen ([tafayyaranâ) in this Xâqân and in his reign, we fore­
see (no good) from him. Kill him or hand him over to us so that we may kill him.’
Sometimes, he hands him over to them and they kill him. Sometimes, he takes (the
task) of killing him upon himself. Sometimes, he shows him mercy, defends him (say­
ing) he is free of offense [jurm], he justifies him [istahaqqahu] (saying) there is no
crime [danb] which he has committed. This is the customary practice of the Khazars
at this time. I have no knowledge whether this was the case in olden times or if it is
an innovation. The dignity (mansib) of their Qaganal office belongs to the members
of a family [ahl bait] from among their notables. I am of the opinion that the king­
ship was among them in olden times, but God knows best” (al-Mas‘ûdî 1966-1979,
I, pp. 214-215).
There is a brief reference to the Khazar Qaganal office in the Hebrew letter of
an anonymous Khazar Jew (the so-called Schechter Text, from the Cairo Geniza) dat­
ing to the latter half of the 10th century (960s) on the very eve of the fall of Khazaria:
“The men of the land appointed over them one of the sages as judge (ÜD№ Sôpêî).
They call him in the language of the Qazars, (k^n); for this reason the name
given to the judges who arose after him has been kagan until this day...” (see Golb-
Pritsak 1982, pp. 110-113)22 *
Here the Qaganal office is set within a Judaised context, in the aftermath of
the conversion^ (or “return” as the author puts it) of the Khazars to Judaism. Address­
ing a Jewish audience, our source transforms the Qagan into a judicial figure, per­
haps harkening back to the “judges” 24 25 of pre-monarchic Israel, a biblical reference
that might be more acceptable to Jewish norms and would be understood by his
learned readers (Petrukhin 2004, p. 272). The Response of King Joseph mentions ha
sar ha gadol “the great Ruler/Prince” whose permission was needed by the “king” to
bring about the conversion to Judaism.“^ The Khazar King Joseph (it is unclear if he
is the Qagan or the Qagan-Beg), in his réponse, ca. 950-960, to a letter from Hasdai
b. Saprût, the Jewish courtier of the Spanish Umayyads, recounts the Khazar conver­
sion tale. According to it, Bulan, the lesser king (he is referred to as melek
throughout), after an angelic visitation in a dream, asks the angel to appear to the
Great Ruler (bVTin “TO771 ha-sar ha-gadol) who then “gathered all his chiefs (YHtP)26
and servitors and his whole people”. He then holds a religious debate between
22 The transcription of this title kgn or possible kgn clearly show that the author of the docu­
ment was reflecting either local, i.e. Khazarian (Qagan or Xagan), Byzantine (yavdvo^) or even
possibly Slavic (KoeaH) usage and not Arabic (Xdqdn).
'' Al-Mas'udi (1966 1979, p. 212) dates it to the reign of Harun ar-Rai*id (787-809).
24 See D. Shapira (1998- 1999, p. 236): the “judges” of pre-monarchical Israel who were
subsequently “overshadowed" by the kings. See also Kovalev (2005, p. 233).
25 Kokovcov (1932, Heb. p. 21 /Russ. p. 76); see also Novosel’ccv (1990, p. 136); Zucker-
man (1955, p. 252). Heb. sar has a variety of meanings, “prince, chief, ruler, minister". Clearly, the
sense here is that of a superior ruler.
2t> Here, sar is most probably referring to clan or tribal chiefs.
Acta Orient Hung. 60, '007
170 P B. GOLDEN
Judaism, Islam and Christianity, from which Judaism emerges the victor.27 This
“Great Ruler” is undoubtedly the Qagan, who, at this stage (early 8th century) appears
to be playing a role in affairs (perhaps largely ceremonial), but it is the lesser “king,”
Bulan, who takes the initiative. It is the “Great Ruler” who convenes the other “chiefs”
and the whole people and then approves this new religious orientation. The conver­
sion narrative, as one would expect, presents this as entirely voluntary. Whether there
were elements of coercion involved, taken as axiomatic in a number of modem dis­
cussions of the conversion, is simply a matter of speculation and conjecture. Our
sources, including the Muslim accounts, give no hint of this.
We may summarise the principal features of the Khazar sacral kingship thus:
It is associated with the office of the Qaganate itself which is limited to a special,
charismatic clan. The Qagan reigns but does not rule. The day to day governance of
the state is in the care of another person (presumably representing another line). He is
termed the “king” (Arab, malik, Heb. melek) in our sources and bears the title
Isad/Bcg [Beh]/Yilig (YeligJ and officiates at the investiture of the Qagan. By the
early 10th century (Ibn Fatjlan's account), the Qagan and Qagan-Beg are assisted by
two other officials. The Qagan appears to be a descendant of the Asina (see below),
the ruling clan of the Turk empire. Only members of this clan may become Qagans.
The Khazar rulers provide judges for each of the confessional groups of the state
(a point noted by most of our sources, the Hudud, al-Isfaxri, Ibn Hawqal, al-Maskudi),
a clear indication of their “universal” rulership. The Qagan is first and foremost the
“law king.” He is superior to the “king” and has the ultimate power of life and death,
but is not to be physically associated w ith the actual shedding of blood. The Qagan is
enthroned in accordance w ith the ASina tradition of ritual strangulation which high­
lights his shamanic powers. The Qagan does not appear to the people or even to the
royal entourage except on a few occasions (four times a year-changing of the sea­
sons?). When he does appear all must prostrate themselves before him. Even the king
when he docs go in to have an audience with him, must undergo purification rites.
Human sacrifices are conducted at his burial. His tomb, an elaborate mausoleum, is
holy ground perpetually cleansed by water and requiring passers by to fall prostrate
before it. The Qagans are beyond wealth. The subject rulers all have to send daughters
to the harem of the Qagan. The king must have the Qagan in his residence in order to
legitimate his rule. The Qagan is a heavenly mandated intermediary between the
divine and his state and hence is a talisman for the good fortune of the state. His term
of office has temporal limits (forty years - or some catastrophe), after which his spiri­
tual power is considered diminished. He no longer has qut:* The life and the death of
27 Kokovcov(1932, Heb. pp. 2Iff., 28ff./Russ. pp. 75ff., 93ft). See also Novosefcev (1990,
p. 136);Zuckerman (1955, p. 252).
28 In the political context, Turkic qnt denoted “heavenly good fortune, charisma” it was, in
essence, the heavenly mandate to mle. See Clauson (1972, p. 594). In general, the term has a wide
range of meanings in Turkic, “soul, life-force" (in this sense akin, perhaps, to Ancient Egyptian no­
tions of ka), spirit, fortune, good fortune, blessing, grace,” etc. In Mongol of the era of Cinggis Xan
it was rendered by suu jali. suu (Lessing 1982, p. 740: “distinction, superior(ity), genius”), jali
(Lessing 1982, p. 1031: “flame, spirit”). The original meaning of the latter was “burning coal, fire.”
This element of lire and brightness was added to the notion of suu (the “genius" bestowed by
Ada Orient. Hung. 60, 2007