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Integrated Resource Management. Agroforestry for Development PDF

221 Pages·1992·28.61 MB·English
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INTEGRATED RESOURCE MANAGEMENT Agroforestry for Development Edited by Charles V. Kidd Directorate for International Programs American Association for the Advancement of Science Washington, D.C. David Pimentel Department of Entomology Cornell University Ithaca, New York Published in cooperation with the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Committee on Population, Resources, and the Environment ACADEMIC PRESS, INC. Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers San Diego New York Boston London Sydney Tokyo Toronto This book is printed on acid-free paper. © Copyright © 1992 by ACADEMIC PRESS, INC. All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Academic Press, Inc. 1250 Sixth Avenue, San Diego, California 92101-4311 United Kingdom Edition published by Academic Press Limited 24-28 Oval Road, London NW1 7DX Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Integrated resource management: agroforestry for development / [edited by] Charles V. Kidd, David Pimentel. p. cm. ISBN 0-12-406410-8 1. Agroforestry-Developing countries. 2. Agricultural resources- -Developing countries-Managment. 3. Food supply-Developing countries. 4. Developing countries-Population. I. Kidd, Charles 581.2'34~dc20 91-42901 CIP PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 92 93 94 95 96 97 BB 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contributors Elise Boulding, Boulder, Colorado 80707 Edwin Clark, Conservation Foundation, Washington, D.C. 20037 Paul Demeny, The Population Council, New York, New York 10017 Louise Fortmann, Orlando, California 94602 Jeffrey Gritzner, Public Policy Research Institute, Department of Geog raphy, University of Montana, Missoula, Montana 59812 Charles V. Kidd, Directorate for International Programs, American Asso ciation for the Advancement of Science, Washington, D.C. 20005 Donella Meadows, Resource Policy Center, Thather School of Engineer ing, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire 03755 Peter Oram, IFPRI, 1776 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Washington, D.C. 20036 David Pimentel, Department of Entomology, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14853 Paul Riley, Utah Water Research Lab, Utah State University, Logan, Utah 84322 Fred Troeh, Department of Agronomy, Iowa State University, Ames, Iowa 50011 Robert Winterbottom, International Institute for Environment and Devel opment, Washington, D.C. 20036 ix Foreword Increases in global agricultural output of food—particularly grains— have been astonishing over the past few decades. Much of the increase is attributed to high-energy-input, large-scale agriculture in both developed and developing countries. The high-energy input is in the form of such things as machinery, fuel, fertilizer, pesticides, and irrigation. In the devel oping world this system of agriculture, depending heavily but not entirely on the widespread adoption of new strains of such grains as rice and wheat, is widely known as the Green Revolution. As a summary phrase it encapsulates the set of techniques that has been such a spectacular success in lifting the output of wheat, corn, and rice in the developing world— particularly in such countries as India, China, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thai land, and Indonesia. What is not so widely recognized is the fact that the techniques of the Green Revolution are not applicable to large parts of the developing world for a number of reasons. These include poor soil, slopes, and other marg inal lands that preclude the use of large machinery; inadequate or poorly timed availability of water; farm size averaging less than a hectare; crops dependent on hand cultivation at all stages; and inadequate income. Hundreds of millions of people depend on food produced under these adverse circumstances. There is, therefore, an urgent need for the develop ment and widespread adoption of alternatives to high-energy-input agri culture. A central theme of this volume is a demonstration of the need for such systems, an explanation of different alternative agricultural systems, and an exploration of the problems and challenges encountered in foster ing their adoption. The volume concentrates on one of the central problems facing the world: how to provide food for the rapidly growing populations of the developing countries. The specific part of this vast and complex problem addressed by this volume is how to design, install, and sustain systems of agriculture appropriate for the large parts of the developing world where the approach of the Green Revolution is partially or totally unworkable. These systems are characterized by low use of energy, small-scale, in tensive use of labor, concern for long-term sustainability, low use of com mercial fertilizer and insecticides, and often by combining trees and other xi xii Foreword crops. These are the systems to which primary attention is paid in the volume, with particular attention given to agroforestry—combining trees, shrubs, and other crops. The central points of emphasis have been stated in a growing body of literature that is referred to at appropriate points in the text. These books, articles, and reports vary in such matters as points of emphasis, disciplinary framework, views on the outlook for the future, and attention to technical detail. This volume is characterized by emphasis on the significance of rates of population growth, the importance of cul tural and political forces, the necessity for elimination of poverty as a goal transcending increases in agricultural output, and the attendant oppor tunity for widespread adoption of low-energy-input agricultural systems complementing systems dependent on high-energy input. It is important to note that these systems are not a panacea and are not a substitute for the techniques of high-energy input that has characterized the Green Revolu tion. They do offer productive, sustainable alternatives for millions of families who cannot afford the high-energy option, or who live on land unsuitable for large-scale, high-energy-input agriculture. The studies underlying the volume were undertaken on the initiative of the Committee on Population, Resources, and the Environment of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. The central aim of this Committee, as indicated by its name, has been to explore the inter relationships among rates of population growth, stress on the environ ment, and the adequacy of renewable and nonrenewable resources. The committee decided that the enormous task of feeding a growing world population raises issues that can be satisfactorily approached only by considering these interrelationships in an interdisciplinary manner. To do this the Committee set up three working groups. They dealt with Food and Population, Soil and Water, and Agroforestry. The members of the Com mittee and the Study Groups are listed in Appendix A. Without the gener ous contributions of time and energy by the Study Group members, this book would not exist. Many people contributed to the thinking, research, drafting, review, and redrafting that produced this book. Some early efforts resulted in drafts that were good in themselves and responsive to needs felt at the time, but that did not fit into the final framework of the book. Ideas and facts drawn from these efforts appear at various points in the final text. In the course of redrafting, many facts and ideas were moved from their original place, and, as a result, do not appear as products of their authors. In addition, the ideas of original authors were modified, expanded, or curtailed in the process of producing a unified manuscript. Nevertheless, the primary authors are identifiable, and their contributions are noted in the notes appearing on the first page of each part. Foreword xiii Charles Kidd, with help from David Pimentel, was primarily respon sible for transforming a large number of disparate segments into an in tegrated whole. A number of A A AS Staff members, primarily Barry Gold, Priscilla Reining, and Amy Wilson, participated in the development of the manuscript. The late Vonna Dennison prepared numerous drafts with great competence and dedication. Not every contributor agrees with every fact and judgment in the book, but the text does reflect their understanding of the basic facts, the state ment of the major problems, and the proposed approaches to solutions. The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation and the American Association for the Advancement of Science funded the activities of the Committee on Population, Resources, and the Environment and its Study Groups, and their assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Roger Levien Part I Overview Chapter 1, Food Production. Compiled by Charles V. Kidd based primarily on material drawn from drafts of the Parts that follow. Chapter 2, Population Change: Global Trends and Future Implications. Written by Paul Demeny, with contributions by Donella Meadows and Charles Kidd. Supplemental papers on aspects of population/food relationship were prepared by a study group on the Interdependency of Population and Food, consisting of Donella Meadows (Chair), William Hudson, Ralph McCracken, Peter Rogers, Peter Timmer, and Beverly Winikoff. The papers include The Global Problem of Nutritional Adequacy (Beverly Winikoff), Food Supply Adequacy and Food Distribution (William Hudson), and World Food Production (Ralph McCracken). Ideas and facts drawn from these papers appear in Parts II and IV, as well as in Part I. 1 Chapter Food Production INTRODUCTION At the beginning of the agricultural age about 10,000 to 12,000 years ago, when human societies first began to turn from hunting, fishing, and gath ering to agriculture, the total population of the earth was about 5 to 10 million—somewhere between the population of Bangkok and Bombay. For thousands of years the total population of the earth increased very slowly in absolute numbers. By the time of Christ, the total population of the world had reached a level of about 300 million—slightly more than the current population of the United States (Douglas, 1966; Harris, 1977). Only at the time of the beginning of the industrial revolution around 1700 did world population begin to grow rapidly. The world population reached 1 billion in 1825. It took a century, until by 1925, for this population to double. The third billion was reached in 1960—35 years. Then in 15 years—1975—another billion was added. Then, at one unspecifiable moment in 1987, the baby who made the world population 5 billion was born somewhere on the planet, probably in Asia, where nearly 60% of the world's population lives. An annual growth rate of 1.7% is adding 77 million people per year—a number equal to that of the population of Mexico—to the number who share the planet's resour ces. The annual increment to the world's population will continue to increase for decades, reaching a peak of almost 90 million over the period from 2000 to 2005. The United Nations projects a population of 7.8 billion by 2000 and 12 billion by 2100. Of these future population increases, 90% will occur in the developing countries. In 1950, 66% of the world popula tion was in developing countries. By 2020, 82% of the world population will be in these countries. Over the period from 1950 to 2020, the propor tion of the world population in North America and Europe will drop from 22 to 11%. (These trends are discussed in Chapter 2.) These sharp popula tion increases threaten the delicately balanced ecosystems of planet earth. 3 4 1. Food Production They call into question the ability to feed hundreds of millions of addi tional people without exhausting renewable natural resources. About 60% of the world's total 1990 population of about 5.2 billion live in rural areas. In the less-developed countries, 70% of the total population is in rural areas (Population Reference Bureau, 1989). In Asia and Africa, about 80% of the population live in rural areas (World Bank, 1984). In Latin America, about 30% of the population is rural. The vast majority of the rural populations in developing countries is engaged in or dependent on agriculture, and a high proportion of the agriculture is low energy, small scale, and labor intensive. For example, Low-resource agriculture is the predominant type of agriculture practiced throughout Africa, and it makes a crucial contribution to food security— both the availability of food and the ability to buy it. It is the source of most of Africa's food, a primary income and employment source for the majority of Africans, a source of foreign exchange, and a buffer against food shortfalls and famine. [Office of Technology Assessment (OTA), 1988] As noted in more detail in Chapter 2, the rural population of developing countries is likely to increase by about 1 billion by the middle of the next century. These are all rough estimates, but they are sufficiently accurate to demonstrate that rural populations directly dependent on small-scale, low-input, subsistence agriculture are substantial proportions of the world population. Any solution to the problems of feeding the growing world population must pay specific attention to the needs of this group. Yet relatively little research has been done on the crops of major importance to them—millet, sorghum, cassava, yams, maize, and cowpeas. Similarly, only recently has substantial attention been devoted to the design and management of agricultural systems to meet their needs. While the rural population is increasing, the urban population will also increase, not only in total numbers, but also as a proportion of total population (World Bank, 1984). Urban Population (%) Country or region 1980 2000 India 23 35 East Asia and Pacific 32 42 Sub-Saharan Africa 49 55 Latin America 65 75 The agricultural systems of the world must provide not only for the needs of the rural population but also for those of the urban dwellers who produce much less food and other agricultural products than they con- Unprecedented Increase in Food Production, 1950-1985 5 sume. The nature of this problem varies widely among countries and regions, as indicated by the fact that in the year 2000,75% of the population of Latin America but only 35% of the population of India will be urban. If the increasing numbers of city dwellers are to be fed, either domestic agriculture must produce increasing surpluses above the needs of the rural population, or food imports must increase, or a combination of both will be required. While low-input, small-scale agriculture systems are now producing food and other products—especially fuelwood—that are consumed by urban dwellers, the primary function of those systems is to meet the needs of rural people. Most of the food and other agricultural products con sumed by urban dwellers is produced by high-energy-input systems, either domestic or foreign, in the form of food imports. UNPRECEDENTED INCREASE IN FOOD PRODUCTION, 1950-1985 An outstanding characteristic of the food/population relationship be tween 1950 and 1985 was a rapid rise not only in total grain production but also in per capita production for the world as a whole, thereby confound ing prophecies of mass starvation. World grain production almost tripled from 600 million tons in 1950 to 1700 million tons in 1985 (USDA, 1988). During that same period, the population of the world almost doubled from 2.5 billion to 4.8 billion (UN, 1988). Accordingly, per capita grain produc tion increased from 480 pounds to 710 pounds per year. Not only did total yields increase rapidly, but production per hectare also increased. In 1950 the grain yield was one ton per hectare (2.47 acres) (USDA, 1988). By 1985 this figure more than doubled to 2.3 tons per hectare. Irrigation, fertilizer, new high-yielding crop varieties, and educa tion of farmers were the primary sources of this increase in productivity. These overall figures mask some wide regional variations, but they convey correctly the story of an unprecedented growth in food production, out stripping a similar growth in world population. Another measure of the adequacy of food supplies is provided by prices. Rising prices are an indication of scarcity; falling prices indicate decreasing relative scarcity. In many respects, world grain prices are a better measure of scarcity than is per capita food production, because international grain shipments integrate world markets and thereby make per capita output in individual countries and regions a misleading indicator of food supply. The World Bank reports, "For decades the real dollar prices for grains in the world market defined as crop-year average prices deflated by the 1980 U.S. consumer price index have declined" (World Bank, 1988). Both the

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