Institution building in Kosovo: the role of international actors and the

280 Pages·2009·1.56 MB·English

The London School of Economics and Political Science

‘Institution Building in Kosovo: The Role of International Actors
and the Question of Legitimacy’

Camille Andrée Marie Monteux

A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of
Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy,
London, September 2009
Declaration
I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of
the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than
where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any
work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it).
The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted,
provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the
prior written consent of the author.
I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of
any third party.

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Abstract
This thesis argues that establishing legitimacy, both in relation to the international
community and in relation to local populations, is a critical precondition for the success of
international missions in post-conflict situations. The argument is developed through a study
of post-conflict institution-building in Kosovo. In 1999, when the Security Council
established the United Nations Administrative Mission in Kosovo, the international
community had a unique opportunity to develop conflict management mechanisms capable of
responding to the contemporary challenges posed by ethnic conflicts. By acting under the
United Nations umbrella, the international community could have sent a strong message to the
deeply divided population of Kosovo: this mission had the ability to protect them and provide
them with institutional structures capable of sustaining long-term economic, political and
social peace and stability. Yet the international actors failed to do so. They failed to grant the
Kosovo population the security they so dearly needed, and they failed to construct institutions
appropriate to the challenges faced by the territory. This thesis argues that this occurred
because of the international community’s inability to provide legitimacy for their actions and
policies. As the different actors focused their attention on attempting to secure legitimacy vis
à vis the international community, they failed to nurture the roots of the new political system
they wished to establish by obtaining the support of Kosovo’s population as a whole. After
developing a working concept of legitimacy, I analyse the degree and nature of legitimacy of
the different international actors, and their policies at each stage that led to the establishment
of a new political system in Kosovo. Through this analysis, I provide an explanation for the
failure of the international community to offer a satisfactory and sustainable solution to the
Kosovo issue.

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Table of Content
Abstract...........................................................................................................................2

Table of Content.............................................................................................................3

List of Abbreviations......................................................................................................7

Introduction....................................................................................................................8

Chapter 1 - International Actors and Institution Building: Issues of Legitimacy........22

1.
 The Concept of Legitimacy and its Definition..................................................24

a.
 ‘Belief in Legitimacy’....................................................................................24

b.
 Beyond Belief................................................................................................28

c.
 Legitimacy and Political Stability.................................................................32

2.
 Legitimacy and the International Community...................................................35

a.
 Legitimacy in the International System.........................................................35

b.
 Legitimacy and International Administrations..............................................37

3.
 Kosovo and Legitimacy.....................................................................................39

a.
 UNMIK and Institution-building...................................................................40

b.
 Legitimacy and the Kosovo Political System................................................45

Chapter 2 - The Yugoslav Context and the Question of Kosovo.................................50

1.
 National Ideologies and the Disintegration of Yugoslavia................................51

a.
 The First Yugoslavia and the Growth of National Ideologies.......................52

b.
 Titoist Model of National Self-determination...............................................55

c.
 Nationalist Rhetoric and the Dissolution of the Yugoslav Ideal...................59

2.
 The Question of Kosovo....................................................................................61

a.
 Origins of the ‘Question of Kosovo’ (1878-1945)........................................62

b.
 Kosovo under Tito’s Yugoslavia (1945-1981)..............................................66

c.
 The Break-up of Yugoslavia and the Milošević Era (1981-1999)................68

3.
 The Question of Kosovo and the International Community.............................73

a.
 The Internationalisation of the Conflict.........................................................74

b.
 The Rambouillet Conference.........................................................................79

Chapter 3 - International Legitimacy and Legitimation...............................................85

1.
 Sovereignty vs. National Self-determination....................................................86

a.
 Sovereignty vs. National Self-determination.................................................86

b.
 Kosovo and National Self-determination......................................................91

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2.
 Sovereignty vs. Human Rights..........................................................................94

a.
 The Human Rights Regime...........................................................................95

b.
 NATO and the Intervention Precedent..........................................................98

3.
 Kosovo, the Security Council and the International Legitimacy Framework.105

a. The United Nations Security Council and Issues of Legitimacy....................106

b. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244........................................109

Chapter 4 - International Territorial Administrations and the Case of Kosovo.........114

1.
 International Territorial Administrations........................................................115

a.
 The Mandate System...................................................................................117

b.
 The Trusteeship System..............................................................................119

c.
 Modern Trends of United Nations Involvement..........................................121

2.
 International Administration, Kosovo and the Question of ‘Belief’...............124

a.
 The International Community and Legitimacy............................................125

i)
 The ‘Allies’..............................................................................................126

ii)
 Russia......................................................................................................128

b.
 The Yugoslav Context and Legitimacy.......................................................130

i)
 Kosovo’s Albanians.................................................................................130

ii)
 Belgrade..................................................................................................132

iii)
 Kosovo’s Serbs......................................................................................134

3.
 The United Nations Administrative Mission in Kosovo.................................135

a.
 The International Territorial Administration’s Design................................135

i)
 The Pillar Structure..................................................................................136

ii)
 Accountability Issues..............................................................................139

b.
 UNMIK’s Policies.......................................................................................141

i)
 The Emergency Period.............................................................................142

ii)
 Between a Multiethnic Society and Pacific Co-existence......................145

iii)
 ‘Standard Before Status’........................................................................148

Chapter 5 – Democratisation and Legitimation..........................................................156

1.
 Democratisation and Legitimisation................................................................157

a.
 Aim..............................................................................................................157

b.
 Means..........................................................................................................160

i)
 Institutional Engineering..........................................................................161

ii)
 Citizens...................................................................................................165

iii)
 Electoral Engineering............................................................................168

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2.
 Democratisation in the Kosovo Context..........................................................169

a.
 Socio-political and Economic Environment................................................170

i)
 Inheritance from the Former Yugoslavia.................................................170

ii)
 The Kosovo Environment.......................................................................172

b.
 Ethnic Divisions..........................................................................................177

i)
 Inter-ethnic Divisions...............................................................................177

ii)
 Intra-ethnic Divisions..............................................................................179

3.
 Institutional Framework: Trials and Errors.....................................................183

a.
 Provisional Institutions of Self-Government...............................................184

b.
 Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self-Government.....................185

c.
 Concerns......................................................................................................188

i)
 Power Sharing Mechanisms.....................................................................188

ii)
 ‘Reserved Powers’..................................................................................189

iii)
 Elections as Legitimation.......................................................................190

iv)
 The Enduring Serb ‘Minority’ Issue......................................................192

4.
 Decentralisation...............................................................................................194

a.
 Decentralisation in Post-conflict Settlements..............................................196

b.
 The Decentralisation Problem in Kosovo....................................................198

i)
 External Decentralisation.........................................................................199

ii)
 Internal Self-Determination or Local Self-Government?.......................200

Chapter 6 – Towards a ‘Final Status’.........................................................................205

1.
 Issues...............................................................................................................206

a.
 Kosovo and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia........................................207

b.
 Kosovo’s Institutions and the International Administration.......................210

c.
 Kosovo’s borders and Regional Stability....................................................212

i)
 Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia...............................................213

ii)
 Southern Serbia.......................................................................................215

iii)
 Montenegro............................................................................................217

iv)
 Albania...................................................................................................219

v)
 Republika Srpska....................................................................................220

d.
 Definition of Kosovo in the International Order.........................................221

i)
 The United States.....................................................................................222

ii)
 The European Union...............................................................................223

iii)
 Russia.....................................................................................................226

2.
 Status Alternatives...........................................................................................228

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a.
 Autonomy within a Democratic Federal Republic of Yugoslavia...............228

b.
 Kosovo as an Entity of the Federation of Yugoslavia.................................229

c.
 Conditional Independence...........................................................................230

d.
 Independence Alternatives..........................................................................232

3.
 The Way Forward............................................................................................233

a.
 Between ‘Dialogue’ and ‘Negotiations’......................................................234

b.
 The Ahtisaari Plan.......................................................................................237

c.
 Declaration of Independence and its Consequences....................................241

Conclusion..................................................................................................................246

Bibliography...............................................................................................................254

1.
 Books, Chapters in Books, Journal Articles and Unpublished Papers............254

2.
 Interviews........................................................................................................272

3.
 Documents.......................................................................................................272

a.
 Constitutions................................................................................................272

b.
 United Nations.............................................................................................273

i)
 General Assembly....................................................................................273

ii)
 Secretary General....................................................................................273

iii)
 Security Council....................................................................................274

iv)
 UNMIK..................................................................................................275

c.
 Miscellaneous..............................................................................................275

4.
 Others..............................................................................................................276

a.
 Reports.........................................................................................................276

b.
 Periodicals...................................................................................................278


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List of Abbreviations
Intergovernmental Organisations
CoE – Council of Europe
CSCE – Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe
ESDP – European Security Defence Policy
EULEX - European Rule of Law Mission
IAC – Interim Administrative Council
ICR – International Civil Representative
JIAS - Joint Interim Administrative Structure
KTC – Kosovo Transitional Council
OSCE – Organisation for the Security and Cooperation in Europe
NATO – North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
SRSG – Security General Special Representative
UNDP – United Nations Development Program
UNMIK – United Nations Administrative Mission to Kosovo
Non-governmental Organisations and Research Institution
ECMI – European Centre for Minority Issues
KIPRED – Kosovo Institute for Policy Research and Development
NDI – National Democratic Institute
PER – Project on Ethnic Relations
IWPR – Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Local Political Parties and Affiliated
AAK - Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (Aleanca për Ardhmërinë e Kosovës)
DS – Democratic Party (Demokratska Stranka)
DSS – Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska Stranka Srbije)
LDK – Democratic League of Kosovo (Lidhja Demokratike e Kosovës)
ORA – Reformist Party (Partia Reformiste)
PDK – Democratic Party of Kosovo (Partia Demokratike e Kosovës)
PK – Coalition Pavratk (Koalicija Povratak)
PLD – Popular Movement of Kosovo (Levizja Popullore e Kosovës)
SDP – Social Democratic Party (Socijaldemokratska partija)
SNC – Serb National Council
SPS – Socialist Party of Serbia (Socijalistička partija Srbije)
UÇK – Kosovo Liberation Army (Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës)
UÇPMB –Liberation Army of Presheva, Medvegja, and Bujanoc (Ushtria
Çlirimtare Presheve, Medveja e Bujanovec)
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Introduction
With the end of the Cold War and the fall of Soviet bloc, the international order saw
the multiplication of new kinds of conflicts. Since the Treaty of Westphalia, the international
community has secured stability through mechanisms meant to prevent states from entering
into conflict with one another. As the tensions of the Cold War diminished at the turn of the
1980s/1990s, the international order was increasingly threatened by another kind of
instability. Robert Hayden develops an interesting argument as regards the Former
Yugoslavia.1 He argues that the void left by the weakening ideology that had ruled the former
federal state until then left a space for ethnic nationalism to offer itself as the basis for the new
states that issued from its dissolution. As Hayden argues, the development of states on the
idea of nationhood is intrinsically exclusive of segments of its society that cannot identify
with the nation, thus triggering intra-state tensions. Ethnic tension within states is not an issue
that appeared with the fall of the Iron Curtain; yet the weakening of the authority of nation
states that followed this period unquestionably provided a suitable environment for ethnic
conflicts to grow. With the intensification of such violence the international community
increasingly recognised the need for coherent responses to the problems of power vacuums in
post-ethnic conflict societies.
After the challenges they faced in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the international community
was presented in 1999 with a new opportunity to develop effective conflict management
mechanisms to deal with the growing contemporary challenges caused by ethnic conflicts.
Strengthened by decades of trial-and-error,2 the international community designed a modern
form of international administration to address the crisis presented by the case of Kosovo. In
an innovative fashion, the United Nations Security Council established, through resolution
1244, a subsidiary organ in charge of ‘organiz[ing] and oversee[ing] the development of
provisional institutions for democratic and autonomous self-government’.3 Thus, this
international organ aimed to re-establish a political system capable of managing – and
eventually reducing – tensions between the different factions of the society, and to then
provide remedies for the economic and social crises faced by the province and secure long-
term stability. Yet, to what extent did the international administrative mission, its strategies,

1 Hayden, R., ‘American Proposals for the Constitutional and Political Status of Kosovo: The State as Legal
Fiction’ in East European Constitutional Review, vol. 7 (4), 1998. pp. 83-92.
2 Caplan, R., International Governance of War-torn Territories: Rule and Reconstruction. Oxford University
Press, Oxford, 2005.
3 Security Council Resolution 1244, S/RES/1244 (1999), 10 June 1999, preamble.§11c.
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actions and policies contribute to the resolution of the issues faced by Kosovo and manage to
lead the province towards long-term stability?
This is the question this thesis aspires to address. With the internationalisation of the
‘Kosovo Question’ in early 1999, this small Yugoslav province became the focus of attention
of academic debates in the regional studies literature, but also increasingly within wider
international scholarship. Before this period, the Kosovo predicament was mainly dealt with
within Balkan specialist circles. After the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)
bombing of Serbia, Kosovo became associated in the academic literature with several
international legal and political controversies revolving around three core themes: (1) the
legality and legitimacy of NATO’s intervention in the affairs of a sovereign state; (2) the
development of an international administration to regulate ethnic conflict; and (3) the issues
relative to the Kosovo Albanians’ right to national-self determination versus Serbia’s
sovereignty and the implication of this dispute for the future status of the province.
First, NATO’s unilateral airstrike against a sovereign state, outside of any Security
Council resolution, on the grounds of mass human rights violations became the centre of a
controversy regarding the validity of a duty to humanitarian intervention.4 Between 1999 and
2001, the international legal and political literature articulated different views regarding the
legality and/or legitimacy of the use of military force against a sovereign state on the grounds
of mass human rights violations. This debate contributed to the development of the concept of
an international ‘responsibility to protect’. This concept, which is supposed to impose legal
obligations on states to protect their own populations, also makes a claim to promote the
protection of human rights in foreign states. Although the actual obligation on states remains
modest, the development of the notion, and the role that NATO’s action played in influencing
the debate, shook the international order to its core by breaching the sacrosanct principle of
sovereignty. Yet, the literature that explored this controversy failed to a certain extent to
provide a stance on the implications that this intervention could have for Kosovo and its
people, let alone the implications it might have for the long-term political future of Kosovo.
Indeed, beyond the significant consequences this event had for the development of
international law and politics, it also had had drastic effects on the future of the province.

4 i.e., Cassese, A., ‘Ex Iniuria Ius Oritus: Are We Moving Towards International Legitimation of Forcible
Humanitarian Countermeasures in the World Community?’ in European Journal of International Law, vol. 10
(1), 1999. pp. 23-30; Simma, B., ‘NATO, the UN and the Use of Force: Legal Aspects’ in European Journal of
International Law, vol. 10 (1), 1999. pp. 1-22.
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