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Indie Video Game Development Work: Innovation in the Creative Economy PDF

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Alexander Styhre Indie Video Game Development Work Innovation in the Creative Economy Indie Video Game Development Work “With his characteristically open-minded approach, drawing on perspectives from economic policy through anthropology all the way to the space where the green ants dream, Styhre is in search of the elusive and ephemeral indie video game industry. Such an approach proves to be indispensable in order to do justice to a world where the passionate love of video games and the social norms of the indie scene on the one hand are paired with industrial logics, financial forces, and calcu- lative, commercial action, on the other.” —Thomas Lennerfors, Professor in Industrial Engineering and Management, Uppsala University Alexander Styhre Indie Video Game Development Work Innovation in the Creative Economy Alexander Styhre Gothenburg, Sweden ISBN 978-3-030-45544-6 ISBN 978-3-030-45545-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-45545-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland P reface “The problem with fiction, it has to be plausible. That’s not true with non-fiction,” Tom Wolfe, American novelist and one of the pioneers of the New Journalism school, once remarked. This is an inspirational dictum for social science scholars inasmuch as we should not shy away from what appears to be implausible or even absurd. I believe that theoretical frame- works need to be “plausible” in the sense of being understandable and appear to be reasonable, but, when it comes to empirics, some results are “too good to be true” inasmuch as empirical conditions may vastly exceed what even the most imaginative mind would have been able to anticipate. Think, for instance, of the various evidence of opportunistic behaviour when it comes to executive decision making during the first decade of the new millennium, including the fabled Enron bankruptcy in 2001 and the AIG rescue activities in 2008–2009, offering inroads to a world wherein, for example, economic compensation in the form of bonuses is not so much a matter of performance as it is an entitlement, an attitude that rep- resents a return to medieval or pre-modern aristocratic norms regarding God-given authority and privileges justified thereupon. Also when it comes to the effect of new digital media, some empirical outcomes are simply mind-boggling. Consider, for instance, the once relatively small Finnish video game company Rovio, which developed the massive hit Angry Birds, a casual video game that had been downloaded in excess of 1 billion times when my colleague interviewed a company representative in early February 2014. Tom Wolfe did not provide a yardstick for actually measuring degrees of plausibility but, for me personally, such unexpected (but not unanticipated) outcomes do not qualify as “plausible” in the v vi PREFACE conventional sense of the term. Yet, implausible things happen every now and then. This is what is so deeply intriguing but also vexing about video game development, that the sheer creativity and ability to organize product development activities so that they result in a digital object that eventually are distributed all over the globe, and at the speed of light (financial capital also amass at an almost equally high speed) is the primary driver of the industry: video game developers can de facto emerge from obscurity, being socially, culturally, and not the least financially marginalized figures to become international superstars and overnight sensations. That was the case of Markus Persson, better known under his developer non de plume Notch (programming is a species of writing, even authorship, after all), whose company Mojang developed Minecraft that became a major hit as soon as it was released in 2011. Persson was suddenly a multi-millionaire who did not have to worry too much about the next game to develop (for two accounts of the Minecraft phenomenon, see Arnroth 2013; Goldberg and Larsson 2012). In September 2019, The Guardian listed Minecraft as “the best video game of the 21st century” (Stuart and MacDonald 2019), an accolade that is indicative of the significance of the video game. “With more than 175 m copies now sold on an array of devices from smart- phones to virtual-reality headsets, Minecraft has transcended the idea of what games are and what they can achieve,” The Guardian stated. In 2018, Mojang reported a turnover in excess of 200 million euros and was named the most profitable developer studio in the entire industry (Swedish Games Industry 2019: 7). Such highly “implausible” and infrequent, yet not impossible, scenarios are what fuels the indie video game industry. Needless to say, most indie video game developers do not reasonably anticipate a career trajectory comparable to Notch’s. Instead, video game development is initiated and justified by the love of video games and the video gaming experience, the ambition to turn novel gaming ideas and game concepts into functional digital objects through collaborative efforts with other individuals sharing this commitment to the “digital arts.” Yet, there is a lingering thought that when the conditions are right and luck is surfacing, huge commercial successes can result in what is unexpected (but, again, not unanticipated), that is, “implausible.” This ambition to make money is arguably not the principal motivator, but it is a form of icing on the cake or the sugar-coating on the pill that is hard to fully forget once the thought has struck one’s mind. Especially in a world totally determined by digital distribution channels and online real-time reporting PREFACE vii on sales, the chance of commercial and financial success is a constitutive feature of the industry. So who are these “indie developers”? Keogh (2015) introduces the indie developer community in the following terms: [A] far more diverse range of creators, audiences, and modes of video games production and consumption has emerged with the rise of digital distribu- tion and a proliferation of platforms. International corporate publishers now compete with—and draw influence from—smaller teams of individuals that are finding their own critical and commercial success in vibrant independent scenes. (Keogh 2015: 152) This volume will report empirical materials from a study of indie develop- ers in Sweden to better explain how what is called innovation-led growth is in fact predicated on the individual’s ability to commit him or herself to innovative activities that are uncertain (not the least in terms of estimating market demand) and beset by the difficulty to raise money to finance the development work. Economists have consistently argued in favour of developed economies changing their production activities so that more sophisticated and knowledge-intensive work is conducted, while allegedly less demanding production activities are offshored to “developing econo- mies” with lower production costs. One of the consequence is that profes- sional work includes activities that are determined by a high degree of uncertainty, for example, basic research, new drug development, and the creation of new technologies such as “green energy,” all of which are uni- fied by the difficulty to anticipate market conditions and the wider socio- economic consequences of the new technologies (say, the development of automatic transportation systems, no longer demanding skilled and expe- rienced drivers). Such development work may be part of the R&D activi- ties of large corporations, generating the finance capital through their regular business activities, or on the basis of state-controlled investment agencies in, for example, basic research in the life sciences. At the same time, industries such as video game development fall outside of these reg- ular financing systems inasmuch as the industry is relatively new, having a short history that stretches back to the 1980s or 1990s, and therefore has not yet accumulated the funds needed to support innovation work in the fringes of the industry, in, for example, indie development communities and businesses. Furthermore, video games are not yet consecrated to the level where it is eligible for state funding and subsidies, as in the case of the viii PREFACE liberal arts (dramatic theatre, visual arts, literature, film, etc.), which makes video game development an exclusively market-based activity, operating outside of stated political interests and responsibilities. A current eco- nomic doctrine stipulates that small and enterprising industry sectors pro- pel the capitalist economy and push it into new equilibrium, but policy makers and politicians, otherwise concerned with job creation and stable economic growth, are surprisingly reluctant to support industries that have the potential to carry such responsibilities. Until policy makers are presented with a fait accompli, they are largely unable to detect the weak market signals and respond to them in ways that support innovation-led growth. This is the predicament of the innovation-led economy: busi- nesses at the fringe of the economy do not yet have the contacts with policy makers who would help them ensure a place on the political agenda. In practice, this means that especially financial concerns are left in the dark by policy makers, transferring the responsibility to raise the money needed to finance the development work to individual market actors. This might sound like an overtly negative scenario, but, as a matter of fact, the Swedish video game is a success story in terms of job growth, turnover, and status and prestige on the global arena. “I think this is a very inspiring industry,” an indie developer (Company M) remarked: “There are jobs and there is know-how that can be used elsewhere. If you are not directly involved in developing games, you can still participate in gamifica- tion, and such things [in other industries].” Most of these accomplish- ments have been made without any defined finance capital infusions, subsidies, or exemptions granted by the state. Instead, the Swedish video game has emerged and consolidated outside of a supportive economic policy framework. A study of indie video game developers therefore not only must include the behavioural and motivational factors that industry actors refer to when justifying their choice of career, but also should address the broader issues of economic policy and dominant economic ideas regarding the differences between, for example, imitation-led growth (as in the case of the expanding Chinese economy) and the innovation-led growth in many developed economies. The former category of theories is introduced and examined in the third chapter of this volume, whereas the latter issue is addressed in the second chapter. Under all conditions, innovation- led growth of the kind that, for example, the video game industry is representative of is fuelled by a passionate commitment to video games and digital media and gaming more widely, but it would be inadequate to ignore the economic conditions wherein such human skills PREFACE ix and resources materialized into video games. Everyday work demands finance capital to pay salaries and acquire the resources needed, and there- fore the formula for innovation-led growth necessarily includes both human resources and finance capital. A management studies view of video game development therefore needs to incorporate both production fac- tors to fully understand how the innovation-led growth doctrine easily understates either of the two production factors. By the end of the day, innovation-led growth is not some kind of naturally occurring market phenomenon, emerging as some auxiliary benefit of liberal pro-market legislation, lenient regulatory control, and the presence of wise finance capital investors willing to commit their capital to enterprising activities. This free-market scenario is not the operational model for industrial pol- icy. Instead, this volume simultaneously stipulates and substantiates the idea that innovation-led growth is based on a combination of economic, financial, legal, social, and cultural conditions that are complicated to dis- entangle when explaining specific successes in sectors of the economy, after the fact. This means that innovation-led growth cannot be a heavy- handed subsidizing of certain sectors and industries as such lack of dis- crimination between promising ventures and less viable business activities easily overprices entrepreneurial ventures and oversponsors low-quality entrepreneurs. For instance, in video game development, it is virtually impossible for industry actors to anticipate market success, and the chances of state-controlled innovation agency business developers and counsellors making predictions with higher precision than industry insiders are small and unreasonable to assume. Instead, innovation-led growth needs to operate through a variety of mechanisms to better assist local initiatives and to exploit emerging conditions. Expressed in more prosaic terms, industry policy conducive to innovation-led growth is a complicated pur- suit, which demands an open-ended attitude towards emerging market properties. In showing these features of one of the current high-growth industries, this volume hopefully makes a more substantial contribution to the management studies literature than to merely report an empirical material that apprehends the nature of indie video development work. At least the volume is written with that intention. Gothenburg, Sweden Alexander Styhre x PREFACE references Arnroth, T. (2013). Ett år med Mojang: Minecraft bakom kulisserna. Stockholm: Publit. Goldberg, D., & Larsson, L. (2012). Minecraft: Block, pixlar och att göra sig en hacka: Historien om Markus “Notch” Persson och spelet som vände allt upp och ned. Norstedt: Stockholm. Keogh, B. (2015). Between Triple-A, indie, casual, and DIY. In K. Oakley & J. O’Connor (Eds.), The Routledge companion to the cultural industries (pp. 152–162). Abingdon: Routledge. Stuart, K., & MacDonald, K. (2019, September 19). The 50 best video games of the 21st century. Retrieved September 20, 2019, from https://www.theguard- ian.com/games/2019/sep/19/50-best-video-games-of-the-21st-century Swedish Games Industry. (2019). Game development index 2019, Stockholm. Retrieved September 30, 2019, from https://static1.squarespace.com/ static/5a61edb7a803bb7a65252b2d/t/5d8a30a5c6a41508c50 d8e6c/1569337529201/Spelutvecklarindex_digital_20190924.pdf

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