I INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS – 2005 Documents INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS 2005 No Foreign Office today is content to merely build friendly and good relations in the classical sense. Even economic content of diplomacy, which had gained currency in recent decades, is no longer the catch phrase in the conduct of international relations. The sophistication and the growing needs of the economy coupled with the demands of globalization have brought about a qualitative change in the conduct of international relations. Energy – thermal and nuclear, science and technology, biotechnology, information technology, nanotechnology, environment, space, sustainable development, PURA and the like are now the core diplomatic vocabulary. Market protection is giving way to dismantling of trade barriers. Competition is the mantra, free trade the dharma and multilateralism the altar on which the economic relations are now conducted. Energy – the strategic need for which has spurred unprecedented demand has, today, become the centerpiece of foreign policy. No wonder in India too the energy, whether nuclear, natural gas or hydrocarbon dominates the foreign policy debate, as in many other countries. The challenge between high growth and social progress, hitherto, the attribute of domestic politics has today assumed international ramifications. Neither is possible without foreign investment and modern technology. The problem of keeping the gap narrow between rich and the poor, maintaining economic vitality and efficiency, attracting greater foreign investment and enhancing the competitiveness of indigenous industry against globalization trends, promoting mega projects and helping the smaller entrepreneurs to survive and stand competition are some of the challenges which have assumed foreign policy implications even as they are governed by domestic economic compulsions. While much of the burden of reconciling the conflicting demands of modernization and globalization has to be met by economic and financial experts, the Foreign Service bureaucracy today is shouldering its own share of the challenge. The 756 documents in his compendium provide an ample proof of this. Avtar Singh Bhasin (b. 1935.) BA (HONS); MA in History. Initially he had short stint of service in the National Archives of India and the Ministry of Defence. In 1993 he joined the Ministry of External Affairs where he served for the next three decades, retiring in 1993 as Director of the Historical Division. He looked after the South Asian affairs for many years. He was posted in the Indian Missions in Kathmandu, Bonn, Vienna and Lagos. He traveled to several other countries in the discharge of his official duties in the Ministry. He was a member of several ministerial and official delegations for discussions with various countries both in India and abroad. Since his retirement he has taken to academic research. He was a Senior Fellow of the Indian Council of Historical Research from 1994 -96. He was Honorary Fellow of the Institute of Contemporary Studies, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library from 1997 to 2000. He has edited and authored several books on South Asian affairs. He also contributed articles in many newspapers on developments in the neighbouring countries. His 75 pieces on Partition and Freedom were published in the Asian Age consecutively from June 1 to August 14, 1997 coinciding with the Golden Jubilee celebrations of the Indian Independence. II INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS - 2005 Other books of Avtar Singh Bhasin since his retirement 1. Documents on Nepal’s Relations with India and China, 1947 – 92 A set of two volumes 2. India – Bangladesh Relations – Documents, 1971-94 A set of two volumes 3. Some Called it Partition, Some Freedom, Last 75 days of the Raj 4. India – Sri Lanka – Relations and Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Conflict – Documents, 1947 – 2000 A set of Five Volumes 5. India – Bangladesh Relations – Documents, 1971 - 2002 A Set of Five Volumes 6. India in Sri Lanka — Between Lion and the Tigers 7. India’s Foreign Relations – 2004, Documents 8. Nepal – India and Nepal – China Relations – Documents, 1947 – June 2005 A Set of Five Volumes III INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS DOCUMENTS — 2005 Edited by AVTAR SINGH BHASIN PUBLISHED IN COOPERATION WITH THE EXTERNAL PUBLICITY DIVISION MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS GEETIKA PUBLISHERS NEW DELHI - 110 028 IV INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS - 2005 Published by G Geetika Publishers A – 51/II Naraina Vihar, New Delhi - 110 028 Mobile : 98-111-57294 : Phone: :011-4141-4943 : 011- 2577 – 1897, E- mail: [email protected] 2005 © Avtar Singh Bhasin ISBN No. : 81-901629-7-7 Printed and Bound in India at Kumar Offset, New Delhi G Geetika Publishers A – 51/II Naraina Vihar, New Delhi - 110 028 INDIA V to Kamaljeet and Mantosh VI INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS - 2005 President of India Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh MINISTRY OF EXTERNAL AFFAIRS External Affairs Minister Shri Natwar Singh1 Minister of State Minister of State Shri E. Ahamed Rao Inderjit Singh Foreign Secretary Shri Shyam Saran Secretary (East) Shri Rajiv Sikri Secretary (West) Smt. Shashi Uban Tripathi Secretary (Co-ordination) Shri Vijay Kumar Dean, Foreign Service Institute Shri Atish Sinha Additional Secretaries: Shri K. C. Singh Shri Sharad Sabharwal Shri K.P. Ernest Official Spokesperson Shri Navtej Singh Sarna 1. On November 7, 2005 he relinquished charge of the Ministry of External Affairs. VII PREFACE The series India’s Foreign Relations was launched in March 2005 with the publication of the documents for the year 2004. The second volume in the series covers the period January to December 2005. The documents in this volume indicate a paradigm shift in the all-round quality of India’s foreign relations in line with the recent trends in international affairs. No Foreign Office today is content to be merely building friendly and good relations in the classical sense. Even economic content of diplomacy, which had gained currency in recent decades, is no longer the catch phrase in the conduct of international relations. The sophistication and the growing needs of the economy coupled with the demands of globalization have brought about a qualitative change in the conduct of international relations. Energy - thermal and nuclear, science and technology, biotechnology, information technology, nanotechnology, environment, space, sustainable development, PURA and the like are now at the core of diplomatic vocabulary. Market protection is giving way to dismantling of trade barriers. Competition is the mantra, free trade the dharma and multilateralism the altar on which the economic relations are now conducted. Energy - the strategic need for which has spurred unprecedented demand – has, today, become the centerpiece of foreign policy. No wonder in India too the energy, whether nuclear, natural gas or hydrocarbon, dominates the foreign policy debate, as in many other countries. The challenge between high growth and social progress, hitherto, the attribute of domestic politics has today assumed international ramifications. Neither is possible without foreign investment and modern technology. The problem of keeping the gap narrow between rich and the poor, maintaining economic vitality and efficiency, attracting greater foreign investment and enhancing the competitiveness of indigenous industry against globalizing trends, promoting mega projects and helping the smaller entrepreneurs to survive and stand competition, are some of the challenges which have assumed foreign policy implications even as they are governed by domestic economic compulsions. While much of the burden of reconciling the conflicting demands of modernization and globalization has to be met VIII INDIA’S FOREIGN RELATIONS - 2005 by economic and financial experts, the Foreign Service bureaucracy today is shouldering its own share of the challenge. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh has repeatedly emphasized the need for energy security for a sustained growth rate of 8 percent and more in the coming years. This inevitably underlined the need to look for new sources and to go to distant lands. Transporting energy is a concomitant necessity and presents its own problems. Given the fast shrinking hydrocarbon sources globally, there is ever-stiffer international competition to contend with. In recent years Indian policy makers and experts have scurried around the world to tie up new sources by entering into exploration contracts, joint ventures through equity investments and otherwise. There is stiff competition from developed economies of the West, Japan and, of course, China. The Indian oil entities like the Oil and Natural Gas Commission (ONGC) and the Gas Authority of India Ltd. (GAIL) with the support of the government are busy courting oil producing countries seeking resources far and wide. Energy is on the agenda of all high-level official visits to and from India, including at the highest level. Sourcing energy from abroad necessitated cheaper means of transporting it through pipelines, which is no easy feat particularly when no supplies are available across India’s own borders. Sourcing gas from Bangladesh continues to be a problem. Iran-Pakistan-India and Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India pipelines in the west and Myanmar-Bangladesh-India pipeline in the east presented attractive but difficult choices. For some time now India is exploring the option of Nuclear energy as an alternative. This is an area of restrictive technology and international controls. India’s refusal to sign the discriminatory NPT and testing of nuclear weapons in 1998 with all its political implications denied India access to advanced nuclear technology. Breaking this logjam has become a major foreign policy concern of New Delhi. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to the USA in July 2005 was a major effort in the search for energy security. The prospect of nuclear energy cooperation, not only with the USA but also with other Nuclear Suppliers Group countries which is now within reach, promises energy security as a consequence of the recognition of India as a responsible nuclear weapon State. There have been some dissenting voices within the country against the nuclear agreement with the USA and the follow up action
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