In the Spirit of Sanctuary: Sanctuary-City Policy Advocacy and the Production of Sanctuary-Power in San Francisco, California By Peter Mancina Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Vanderbilt University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In Anthropology August, 2016 Nashville, Tennessee Approved: Date: _____________________________________________________________________ ________________________ Edward F. Fischer, Ph.D. _____________________________________________________________________ ________________________ Lesley Gill, Ph.D. _____________________________________________________________________ ________________________ John Janusek, Ph.D. _____________________________________________________________________ ________________________ Katharine M. Donato, Ph.D. To my loving partner Zina, my daughters Bea and Evla, and my parents Mike and Maureen ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work would not have been possible without the financial support of the National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Research Improvement Grant, the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Dissertation Fieldwork Grant, or the Vanderbilt College of Arts and Sciences Social Science Dissertation Fellowship. This work would also not have been possible without the support of my dissertation committee members Dr. Lesley Gill, Dr. Katharine Donato, and Dr. John Janusek. I am especially indebted to my committee Chair Dr. Edward F. Fischer who has been an endless source of encouragement, support, and guidance in completing this dissertation. Not only did Dr. Fischer help train me, open academic doors for me prior to the research, and encourage me to publish preliminary portions of this dissertation, but he always trusted in my judgment to explore entirely new lines of research which ultimately led to the unforeseen focus of this study. For that, I will always be grateful. I would also not have been able to complete this dissertation without the encouragement, friendship, and advice of Kathleen Coll, and the kindness of Els de Grauuw in helping connect me to certain individuals in City Hall. Thank you to Norbert Ross and George and Jane Collier for reading drafts of my research design proposal prior to beginning the study and to Randy Lippert and Sean Rehaag for helping significantly in reading and providing editorial feedback for initial versions of Chapter 2, “Birth of a Sanctuary City”. Many thanks are due to The Graduate Theological Union Archives, the Dominican Sisters of San Rafael, Chris Doan and the Presentation Sisters of San Francisco, the San Francisco Archdiocese Archives, El Tecolote, the University of San Francisco Library, the San Francisco Human Rights Commission, the San Francisco Public Library History Department, and the Clerk of the Board of Supervisors of San Francisco for allowing me to consult their archival collections. Special thanks are also due to sanctuary movement organizers Eileen Purcell, Lana Dalberg, Ignatius Bau, Judy Liteky, and Sister Kathleen Healy for not only providing me with personal documents from the sanctuary movement of the 1980s but also for explaining to me the history of the San Francisco sanctuary movement and their work to create sanctuary city policies. Also, thanks are due to Revered Debbie Lee of the San Francisco Interfaith Coalition on Immigration for inviting me to her coalition meetings where I was able to connect with the faith community and with contacts in San Francisco City Hall. I am forever grateful for the help of San Francisco District Supervisor David Campos and his legislative aides Sheila Chung Hagan and Hillary Ronen. Their supervision of my work as an intern, their explanation of sanctuary city issues and the municipal system, and their willingness to open doors for me was crucial for my ability to understand how municipal sanctuary city practices and municipal deportation practices are created and maintained. Also large thanks are due to District Supervisor John Avalos, and his legislative aides Frances Hsieh, Jeremy Pollack, and Raquel Redondiez who allowed me to participate in the sanctuary city iii policy-making process, and to Public Defender Jeff Adachi and Patti Lee for explaining the intricacies of the juvenile justice system. This dissertation is in great debt to individuals at the San Francisco Human Rights Commission for explaining to me the process of sanctuary violation investigations and the role of the Commission with regard to sanctuary. In particular, I owe a special thanks to Executive Director Theresa Sparks, Commissioner Michael Pappas, Zoë Polk, Sheryl Cowan, and Taraneh Moayed. Thanks are also due to Office of Civic Engagement and Immigrant Affairs Director Adrienne Pon and Commissioner Felix Fuentes. Director Pon was very kind to facilitate setting up meetings for me with various department heads. I owe a special thanks to Police Chief Greg Suhr for allowing me to attend community police academy courses and to do ride-alongs with Mission Station police officers. Huge thanks are due to the San Francisco Immigrant Rights Defense Committee (SFIRDC) for allowing me to accompany and assist them in the grassroots campaign to pass sanctuary city policy. Coalition members provided crucial perspectives on sanctuary city policies, endless inspiration, and the opportunity to witness what it takes for a community to confront the federal deportation apparatus through the legislative process. A special thanks to Reverend Richard Smith who at a protest at the San Francisco Immigration and Customs Enforcement building first invited me to attend meetings with an organizing committee of a SFIRDC coalition member, the San Francisco Organizing Project (SFOP). At that SFOP meeting, SFOP organizers gave me a community-organizing role in the campaign to pass the sanctuary-inspired TRUST Act in California and subsequently vouched for me to participate in the closed strategy meetings of the San Francisco Immigrant Rights Defense Committee. However, the biggest thanks go to Angela Chan, who invited me to SFIRDC meetings, largely guided my organizing and research work in the coalition, and answered an innumerable amount of questions I had about the coalition’s various campaigns to legislate sanctuary city policy. The dissertation would also not have been completed without the help of coalition member Renee Saucedo, who gave me a volunteer job and brought me into the organizational meetings of the San Francisco Day Labor Program and La Colectiva de Mujeres, both SFIRDC member organizations. Finally, this dissertation greatly benefited from the attention of Zina Bozzay, Angela Chan, Francisco Ugarte, and Jon Rodney who read initial drafts and provided very helpful feedback. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………………………………… ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………………… iii LIST OF TABLES…………………………………………………………………………………………… x LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………………………….. xi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS, NOMENCLATURE, AND SYMBOLS………………………… xii Chapter 1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………….. 1 Sanctuary-Power and Governmental Practice ……………………………………… 5 The Study of Sanctuary Cities and Sanctuary Practice……………………………. 8 Seeing Like a Sanctuary City: The Anthropology of the State and Policy.. 22 Organization of the Dissertation …………………………………………………………… 29 2. The Birth of a Sanctuary City: Governmental Sanctuary in San Francisco From 1980-1990 …………………………………………………………………………………… 34 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………… 34 San Francisco Political Economy and Immigrant Workers…………………… 35 The San Francisco Sanctuary Movement and the Cultivation of Sanctuary as an Ethic of Municipal Governance …………………….…………….. 37 The Responsibilities of Sanctuary Movement Refugee Sponsors……. 41 Governmentalizing Sanctuary: The City of Refuge Resolution of 1985….. 44 Institutionalizing Governmental Sanctuary: The 1989 Sanctuary City Ordinance…………………………………………………………………………..…………………. 51 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 57 3. “Securing” the Sanctuary City to Safeguard Funding: Sanctuary City Reforms from 1991-2004 ……………………………………………………………………... 58 Introduction ………………………………..……………………………………………………….. 58 Sanctuary and the Threat of Losing Federal Funds for Policing: 1992 and 1993 Sanctuary Ordinance Amendments ………………………………………. 59 Accessing the Sanctuary City in the Age of Proposition 187, 1994-2000………………………………………………………………………………………………74 Governmental Sanctuary in the Age of Homeland Security, 2001-2004... Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………..…... 88 v 4. Departmentalizing Sanctuary…………………………………………………….………….. 90 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………………. 90 The Era of Increased ICE Raids …………………………………………………………. 91 Funding the Sanctuary City …………………………………………………………………… 97 The Sanctuary City Initiative ……………………………………………………………… 101 Department-Specific Sanctuary Protocol Development ……………….. 110 Training City Employees in the New Policies………………………………… 119 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 130 5. The Sanctuary City Picks a Sacrificial Lamb: The Executive Branch’s Attack on Undocumented Juveniles…………………………………………………….. 131 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………...…………….. 131 Processing Undocumented Youth in the Juvenile Justice System….……....134 Stopping the Juvenile Probation’s International Family Reunification Practice ……………………………………………………………………………………..……….. 145 The Executive Branch Sacrifices the Children to Save the Sanctuary City……………………………………..………………………………………………..150 The Immigrant Rights Community Response………………………………..…….. 167 Seizing the Moment to Strike at the Sanctuary City……………………………… 174 Using the Sanctuary Ordinance to Deport Youth…………………………………..183 The Immigrant Community Response to the JPD Protocols Document... 190 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 191 6. Unmasking Political Will and Laying the Foundations for Legislating Due Process for All Youth …………………………………………………………………………... 194 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………….……. 194 The Birth of the San Francisco Immigrant Rights Defense Committee.... 194 The Juvenile Probation Commission Feigns Concern ………………..………… 197 Organizing the Sanctuary City Officials .……………………………………..……….. 199 Resolving to Ensure Due Process for All Youth…………………..………………... 205 The Board Votes on the Resolution on the Rights of the Child……………... 213 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 220 7. Living In Fear in the Sanctuary City: The Impact of Immigration Enforcement on Residents Regardless of Immigration Status……………... 220 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………... 220 The Development of Pro and Anti-Sanctuary Discourse……………………… 221 HRC/IRC Joint Hearing on Immigration Enforcement in San Francisco ……………………………………………………………………………………… 226 Documenting Immigrant Fear …………………………………………………..………… 232 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………… 238 vi 8. Hiring to Ensure the Safety of the Sanctuary City ………………………………...240 Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………..……… 240 SFIRDC Works with the Board of Supervisors to Prepare an Amendment to the Sanctuary Ordinance…………………………………………… 240 The Sanctuary City Needs a New Police Chief ……………………………………… 248 Mesa’s 287(g) Program ………………………………………………………………………. 253 Mayor Newsom’s Decision…………………………………………………………………… 261 The Grassroots Legislative Campaign Grows Beyond SFIRDC …………….. 264 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 268 9. Delaying ICE Referrals and Contesting Legal Advice: The Introduction of the Due Process for Youth Sanctuary Ordinance Amendment...…..….. 269 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 269 The Spectacle of Banality in the Introduction of Sanctuary Legislation.. 270 Igniting Legal Fears, Breaching Confidentiality: The Mayor Leaks the City Attorney’s Cautionary Legal Memo on the Youth Amendment……… 278 Competing Legal Advice: SFIRDC Lawyers Counter the City Attorney’s Legal Arguments ………………………………………………………………………………… 287 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………….. 294 10. Arguments for Providing Governmental Sanctuary for Youth………………295 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 295 Ensuring Access to Education for All through the Youth Sanctuary Ordinance Amendment ………………………………………………………………………. 295 Arguing for the Youth Sanctuary Amendment …………………………………….. 304 The Constitutionality Argument………………………………………………………. 306 The Functional Municipal System Argument…………………………………… 311 The Ethical Argument……………………………………………………………………… 317 The Religious Argument………………………………………………………………….. 320 Contesting Due Process for Youth……………………………………………………….. 321 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 326 11. Legislating Due Process for Youth…………………………...………………………….. 327 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………………...….. 327 The First Vote ……………………………………………………………………………………... 327 The Second Vote …………………………………………………………………………………. 337 The Mayor’s Veto…………………………………………………………………………………. 340 Overriding the Mayor’s Veto……………………………………………………………….. 343 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 345 12. Implementation Thwarted………………………………………………………………….. 346 vii Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………... 346 Reigning in Mayoral Authority…………………………………………………………….. 346 The Community Loses Faith in the Human Rights Commission …………... 350 Enforcing the Youth Sanctuary Amendment to Restore Democracy……. 353 Defining the Role and Power of the City Attorney through Sanctuary City Implementation…………………………………………………………... 356 The Juvenile Probation Department Reaffirms its Refusal to Implement the Youth Sanctuary Amendment……………………………………… 361 LGBT Organizations Weigh in on Sanctuary Implementation ……………... 363 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………365 13. The Juvenile Probation Department and the Mayor’s Office Face the Community………………………………………………..………………………………………… 367 Introduction …………………………………………………………………………...………….. 367 The Accountability Hearing…………………………………………………………………. 367 Juvenile Probation Speaks ……………………………………………………………… 368 SFIRDC Responds to Chief Sifferman……………………………………………….. 376 The Mayor’s Office Faces the Community………………………………………… 382 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 386 14. Investigating and (Not) Disciplining Violations of Sanctuary…….…………. 387 Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………... 387 Office of Citizen Complaints Sustained Allegations of Non-Compliance with Department General Order 5.15………………………………………………….. 387 The News Delivery Man and His Employee ……………………………………... 391 The Woman Who Sought Help from the Police to Enforce a Restraining Order……………………………………………………………………………. 393 The Man Who Made a California Rolling Stop …………………………………. 395 The Policy Failure of DGO 5.15 ………..………………………………………………….. 398 Human Rights Commission Sanctuary Ordinance Violation Investigations……………………………………………………………………………………… 400 The Only HRC Sanctuary Ordinance Violation Complaint to be Investigated in 25 years………………………………………………………………………. 405 HRC Mediation and Investigation……………………………………………………. 416 HRC Issues Findings and Recommendations…………………………………… 417 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………………… 420 15. Conclusion: Reflections on Sanctuary-power…………………………………….... 421 Appendix. Methods, Data Analysis, and Overview of Research Sites………….. 430 Methods………………………………………………………………………………………..…….. 430 Archival research and semi-structured interviews on the history viii of the sanctuary movement and governmental sanctuary in the 1980s and 1990s……………………………………………………………………………. 430 Document Collection……………………………………………………………………… 432 Video Collection_……………………………………………………………………………. 437 Participant Observation…………………………………………………………………. 437 Semi-Structured Interviews…………………………………………………………… 441 Data Analysis………………………………………………………………………………………. 443 Research Sites……………………………………………………………………………………... 443 REFERENCES………………………………………………………………………………………………. 447 NOTES………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 464 ix LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. SCAAP Funds Awarded to San Francisco 2000-2008………………………………. 182 x
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