in the Aftermath of the 1908 Revolution among Armenians, Arabs, and Jews

32 Pages·2017·3.85 MB·English

by  Bedross Der Matossian

University of Nebraska - Lincoln
DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln
Faculty Publications, Department of History History, Department of
2012
Formation of Public Sphere(s) in the Aftermath of
the 1908 Revolution among Armenians, Arabs, and
Jews
Bedross Der Matossian
University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected]
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Bedross Der MATOS SIAN
FORMATION OF PUBLIC SPHERE(S)
IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE 1908 REVOLUTION
AMONG ARMENIANS, ARABS, AND JEWS
Revolutionary theories are most useful when they attempt to define
and interpret the causes and mechanisms of revolutions. However, when
they attempt to forecast the outcomes and the impact of revolutions on
their indigenous societies, they are largely unsuccessful. This article deals
with the impact of the Young Turk revolution on three non-dominant
ethnic groups in the Ottoman Empire: Armenians, Arabs, and Jews. It
will argue that the revolution resulted in the creation of a multiplicity of
public spheres among the ethnic groupS.1 This multiplicity of public
spheres became the main medium through which these ethnic groups
internalized the Young Turk revolution. In the case of the Armenians and
the Jews, these public spheres resulted in the occurrence of micro-revo
lutions, whereas in the Arab case it led to the erosion of social and polit
ical stability. Nevertheless, these various subordinate public spheres can
not be viewed in isolation from one another. They were interconnected
and influenced each other both directly and indirectly. Moreover, within
these interconnected public spheres, new actors emerged, threatening the
social and political stability of the existing orders not only to (re)define
their identities in the post-revolutionary period by inventing their own
ancien regimes, victories, and new orders, but more importantly by com
peting against each other over control of existing positions of power, and
in some cases, creating new ones. We will notice that in ethnic groups
where power was centralized, the revolution was more successful than
1 For a theoretical discussion of public sphere( s) after the 1908 revolution see Bedross
Der Matossian, "Ethnic Politics in Post-Revolutionary Ottoman Empire: Armenians,
Arabs, and Jews during the Second Constitutional Period (1908-1909)," (Unpublished
Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, 2008), pp. 55-65.
190 BEDROSS DER MATOSSIAN
those where power was decentralized. Furthennore, this paper will argue
that ecclesiastic politics, a subject that is totally marginalized within the
Ottoman historiography of the Young Turk revolution, was a crucial fac
tor in defining the intra-ethnic politics in the newly emerging subordinate
public spheres.
The Public Sphere and the Ottoman Empire
The history of the notion of the public sphere in the Ottoman Empire
has yet to be written, and this article does not undertake that task. The
notion of public sphere within the context of the Ottoman Empire, Mid
dle East, and Muslim world still remains in its infancy.2 Of course, the
public sphere, both in its pre-modern and modern fonns, existed in the
Ottoman Empire. 3 However, it had a different background, and different
factors affected it than in the European milieu. Autonomous institutions
that did not exist in the European milieu functioned as the ultimate medi
ums for the creation of a pre-modern public sphere in the Ottoman con
text. For example, in the 17th and the 18th centuries waqfs constituted
important elements of the public sphere and of social organization that
gave substance to civil society in the Ottoman Empire. Haim Gerber
argues that the waqf institution was so pervasive in the Ottoman society
"that one is almost tempted to view it as a key institution in the way
the cockfight was seen by Geertz to be a key institution in Balinese
society. "4
As a result of modern urban development, the public sphere began to
enter into its modern fonn. Spurred by the development of peripheral
capitalism and the opening of urban spaces in the fonn of public squares,
gardens, and wider roads, and accompanied by the proliferation of cafes,
associations, theatres, and scientific and literary societies, literary public
2 See Miriam Hoexter, Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, and Nehemia Levtzion (eds.) The Public
Sphere in Muslim Societies. (Albany: State University of New York Press; Jerusalem:
Van Leer Jerusalem Institution, 2(02). See also by Dale F. Eickelman & Armando Salva
tore, "The Public Sphere and Muslim identities,"; Srirupa Roy, "Seeing a State: National
Commemorations and the Public Sphere in India and Turkey," Comparative Studies in
Society and History, issue I: 48, (2006): 200-232.
3 Harold Mah, "Phantasies of the Public Sphere: Rethinking the Habermas of Histo
rians," The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 72, No.1, New York on the Old Regime and
the French Revolution: A special Issue in Honor of Francois Furet (Mar., 20(0), p.l65.
4 Haim Gerber, "The Public Sphere and Civil Society in the Ottoman Empire," in
Miriam Hoexter, Shmuel N. Eisenstadt, and Nehemia Levtzion (eds.), Public Sphere in
Muslims Societies, p. 75.
FORMATION OF PUBUC SPHERE(S) 191
spheres were formed in the Empire. However, the main factor that led to
their proliferation in the Empire during the 19th century was the press in
general, and newspapers in particular.5 This was especially evident
among Armenians, Jews, and Greeks. The official Ottoman press began
to be published in the 19th century and was followed by the emergence
of the private press. The transformation of the literary public spheres into
political public spheres in the modern sense took place in the second half
of the 19th century, reaching its peak with the promulgation of the Otto
man constitution in 1876.6 In fact, the creation of private press and the
proliferation of the ethnic press in the second half of the 19th century
further developed the notion of multiple public spheres as opposed to the
public sphere dominated by the Ottoman ruling elite. Hence, public
spheres already existed among the ethnic groups in the first half of the
19th century.
In 1878, however, Sultan Abdtilhamid dissolved the Ottoman parlia
ment and derailed the constitution, thereby putting an end to the political
public sphere. He also established one of the most sophisticated spying
systems in the history of the Ottoman Empire. As a result, by the begin
ning of the 1880s, the journalistic activities of the ethnic groups shifted
west, from Lebanon, Syria, and Anatolia, to European cities and Egypt.
Here an exilic public sphere was established in which exiles of different
ethnic backgrounds expressed their political views, discussed their pro
jects for the Empire, interacted with each other, and attempted to mobi
lize their host governments by using various means of expression, from
exilic media to public gatherings and discussion.7
After the Young Turk revolution of 1908, this exilic public sphere was
transformed into a homeland public sphere. The revolution allowed for
an immediate boom in serial publications of different ethnic groups in
the Empire.8 It is worth recalling that in the span of three decades, the
5 See Ami Ayalon, The Press in the Arab Middle East (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1995).
6 Notice that for different ethnic groups the emergence of the political public sphere
took place in different periods of the 19th century.
7 The periodicals Pro-Armenia, Me§veret, Sura-yi Ummet, and al-Muqattam could be
regarded as the best example of such a tool.
8 The best study on the post-revolutionary press is that of Palmira Brummett, Image
and Imperialism in the Ottoman Revolutionary Press, J908-J9JI (Albany: State Univer
sity of New York Press, 20(0). Despite the fact that it concentrates more on the satirical
press during the post-revolutionary period, mainly in the Ottoman press, it still provides
important information on political discourse in the Ottoman press from the Turkish per
spective. The same kind of work needs to be undertaken on the ethnic press.
192 BEDROSS DER MATOSSIAN
educational institutions within the Ottoman Empire advanced tremen
dously.9 Thus, when the revolution took place, a whole new educated
class was ready to elaborate its significance, implications, and reverbera
tions. In the two years after the revolution, censorship was nonexistent.
In the fIrst year alone, about two hundred periodicals were published in
Istanbu1.10
The Armenian Public Sphere and the Micro-Revolution of 1908
The public sphere that was developed among Armenians of the Empire
after the 1908 revolution caused major changes in the dynamics of power
of the Armenian millet of the Empire. It resulted in the change of the
leadership and the transfer of the center of power from the Armenian
Patriarchate to the Armenian National Assembly (ANA). The downfall
of Patriarch Maghakia Ormanian represented the downfall of the Arme
nian ancien regime and the beginning of a new era. Armenians, more
than the Jews and Greeks of the Empire, internalized the Young Turk
revolution by creating their own ancien regime and their own victory.
The Young Turk revolution became a milestone in defining intra-eth
nic relationships in the Armenian millet of the Empire. It resulted in a
micro-revolution, culminating in the reinstatement of the Armenian
National Constitution, the (re)opening of the Armenian National Assem
bly, and the election of Madteos III Izmirliyan as Patriarch. I refer to this
as a micro-revolution because of its resemblance to the changes taking
place within the Empire. However, the Armenian micro-revolution elimi
nated competing centers of power more successfully than did the Young
Turk revolution. It was able to get rid of Patriarch Ormanian, whose
"regime was nothing else except a miniature of the Ottoman ancien
regime in the national arena. "11 This is because whereas the ancien
9 See Selr;:uk Ak~in Somel, The Modernization of Public Education in the Ottoman
Empire: 1839-i908 Islamization, Autocracy and Discipline (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2001) and
Benjamin C. Fortna, imperial Classroom: islam, Education and the State in the Late
Ottoman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
10 For example, during the first two years after the revolution about 79 new Armenian
newspapers were published in the Ottoman Empire: 49 in Istanbul, 8 in Van, 6 in Izmir
and the rest in Diyarbekir, Erzinjan, Trebizond, Erzerum and Sivas. Amalya Kirakosian,
Hay Barperagan Mamuli Madenakruitiun (1794-1967) [The Literature of the Armenian
Periodical Press] (Yerevan, 1970), pp. 488-489.
11 Dikran Aslanian, "Hosank'ner ew Nerhosank'ner," [Currents and Undercurrents]
Puzantion, August 22, 1908, #36lO, p. 1.
FORMATION OF PUBLIC SPHERE(S) 193
regime of the Ottoman Empire during the post-revolutionary period was
embodied in the Yildiz clique, which managed "to deceive the Sultan for
30 years," the Armenian ancien regime was embodied in one person:
Patriarch Ormanian. Immediately after the Young Turk revolution, Patri
arch Ormanian resigned.
The Downfall of Ormanian: The Armenian ancien regime as a spectacle
of humiliation
While his opponents protested outside, Ormanian appeared before the
mixed council of the ANA chaired by Kapriel Effendi Noradoungian to
submit his resignation.12 Mter long deliberations, it was accepted and
Archbishop Yeghishe Tourian was chosen as the locum tenens of the
Armenian Patriarch. Part of Ormanian's resignation letter read:
National affairs, after so many years of difficulties, are now in such a con
dition, that they need to be ordered according to the national constitution,
which contrary to different difficulties, I am happy to remit today to my
beloved nation. Hence, with a willing heart I come to declare that from this
moment on consider me free from the obligation of my duty, let us move
to choose a locum tenens, and take all of that in a proper way to the General
Assembly tribunal. 13
However, things did not end there. Immediately after the resignation,
rumors spread in the capital that ex-Patriarch Ormanian had appropriated
30,000 gold pieces from the Patriarchate finances and was planning to
abscond. The rumor caused much agitation among the population of the
capital. On the 7th of August, 1908, people gathered in the streets of Eter
and Valide~e§me near Ormanian' s residence and demanded that he go to
the Patriarchate in order to account for his actions. The demonstrators
threatened that if he refused, they would take him by force. Ormanian left
his residence in a carriage surrounded by policemen and headed towards
the Ministry of Police. The crowd followed shouting and cursing Orma
nian and demanding that he be taken to the Patriarchate. In the end, the
masses succeeded in taking over his carriage and taking him to the Patri
archate. Ormanian became the ultimate spectacle of humiliation.14 More-
12 "Ormanean Herazharets'uts'wadz," [Onnanian forced to resign] Arevelk, July 29,
1908,#6850,p.1.
13 Maghakia Arkebisgobos Onnanean, Hishatakagir Erkotasnamya Patriark'ut'ean
[Memoir of the twelve years in the post of Patriarch] Part II, (Istanbul: V and H. Der
Nersissian Press, 1910), p. 171.
14 Puzant Kecheyan vehemently criticized the humiliation of Onnanian which was the
194 BEDROSS DER MATOS SIAN
over, this procession of public humiliation represented the humiliation of
the ancien regime. The ancien regime had to be dragged in the streets,
humiliated and scolded, in order to fulfill the aim of the revolution. The
Levant Herald reported that at Kum-Kapu "the mob was unmanageable
and the ex-Patriarch would probably have been lynched but for the timely
intervention of the police. "15
In many parts of the provinces, local prelates were dismissed by the
local Armenian population. For example, in Harput the Armenian popu
lation succeeded in dismissing the Armenian Bishop.16 In Diyarbekir the
local prelate, Father Yezegel, escaped along with his mother, uncle, ser
vant and four soldiers leaving behind "the anger and the dismay of the
community. "17 The downfall of Ormanian' s regime was finalized by the
(re)election of Archbishop Madteos Izmirliyan on November 4, as Patri
arch of Istanbul. 18
The Reinstatement of the Armenian National Constitution and the Arme
nian National Assembly
The reinstatement of the Armenian National Constitution and the
Armenian National Assembly, which became the center of Armenian
national policy-making in the Empire, are important political processes
in the post-revolutionary period, which have been under emphasized in
the historiography of the Ottoman Empire. Scholars tend to reconstruct
the history of the Armenians in the post-revolutionary period through the
prism of Armenian political parties, whose role in the political process
has been over-emphasized. The Armenian National Assembly contained
most of the prominent Armenian clerical and lay figures in the Empire.
"result of an erroneous understanding of freedom." Puzant Kecheyan, "Azat Azgin
P'ark'n ir Orinapahu'tiwnn e,"[The glory of a free nation is in its preserving the law],
Puzantion, August 11, 1908, #3600, p. 1.
15 "The ex-Armenian Patriarch," August 8th, 1908, The Levant Herald and Eastern
Express, p. 2; See also "Sir G. Lowther to Sir Edward Grey- (Received August 17),
Therapia, August 11, 1908" in "Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Movement
in Turkey, 1908," Parliamentary Papers, 1909, p. 53.
16 "Sir G. Lowther to Sir Edward Grey-(Received September 26), Therapia, Septem
ber 20, 1908" in "Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Movement in Turkey,
1908," Parliamentary Papers, 1909, p. 88; "Kharberdi arach'nort'e" [The Prelate of
HarputJ Puzantion, September 26, 1908, #3639, p. 3.
17 "Tigranakert," Arevelk, October 7, 1908, #6907, p. 3.
18 "Amen T.T. Matt'eos Izmirliyan Verentrwadz Patriark' T'urk'yo Hayots'," [His
Beatitude Madteos Izmirliyan re-elected as Patriarch of Armenians of Turkey] Arevelk,
November 5, 1908, #, p. 6932, p. 1; Azgayin Endhanur Zhoghov, Nist E [Session V],
October 22, 1908.
FORMATION OF PUBLIC SPHERE(S) 195
This included members of the Armenian political parties,19 Armenian
members of Ottoman parliament,20 and representatives of different Arme
nian societies. The Assembly should therefore be regarded as the center
for the Armenian policy making. An examination of the debates in the
Assembly sheds new light on the position of the Armenian leadership
from the post-revolutionary period until the counter-revolution. In fact,
when one examines the 25 sessions of the Armenian National Assembly
from 1908-1909, one notices that outmost importance was given to the
Armenian constitution. Constitutionalism became a key factor upon
which the affairs of the community were administered. The Armenian
National Constitution was even above the highest Armenian cleric, i.e.,
the Patriarch. The National Assembly became a mini-parliament which
discouraged partisanship (at least in its earlier stages) and advocated loy
alty to the Empire. When chosen as the President of the Parliament,
Minas Cheraz made the following statement:
Delegate Reverends and Gentlemen, thanks to the reinstatement of the Otto
man constitution, the Armenian constitution, which has been paralyzed by
despotism for years, was also reinstated. The rebirth of both constitutions
is equally happy occasion for us, because, if it is the call of the Ottoman
constitution to administer the affairs of the country according to the princi
ples of justice, it is also the call of the Armenian constitution to administer
its national affairs according to the principles of justice-principles whose
anchor is the popular right [zhjoghovrdayin iravunkel or, according to an
old expression "the voice of many, the voice of God," [tsayn bazmats'
tsayn astutzoy]. 21
Three main issues characterized the debates in the Armenian National
Assembly during this period: the formation of an investigation commis
sion to investigate ex-Patriarch Ormanian, the issue of the provinces, and
the question of Jerusalem. Among these three, the issue of the Eastern
provinces occupied a central place in the Armenian public sphere after
the revolution until World War 1.22
19 This included members of the Dashnak party (Shahrigian, Vartkes, Khegam, Vera
mian, Dr. Pa~ayan), Ramgavar party (Hayg Hojasarian, Vahan Tekeyan) and the Hunchak
party (H. Cihangulian, Murad, Zakarian, Hemayag Aramiants (ed. Of Gohag).
20 This included Bedros Haladjian, Krikor Zohrab, Haroutiun Shahrigian, Nazaret
Daghavarian, Hampartsum Boyadjian.
21 See Azgayin Endhanur Zhoghov, Nist B[Session II], October 10, 1908, p. 15.
22 For the commission to investigate ex-Patriarch Ormanian and the question of Jeru
salem see Bedross Der Matossian, "Ethnic Politics in Post-Revolutionary Ottoman
Empire: Armenians, Arabs, and Jews during the Second Constitutional Period (1908-
1909)," pp. 209-210; 215-223.
196 BEDROSS DER MATOSSIAN
The Issue of the Eastern Provinces
One of the major issues that the developing Armenian public sphere
had to deal with was the issue of the Eastern provinces. The issue was
very dominant both within the Armenian press and the Armenian National
Assembly. This despite the fact that in some places in the Eastern prov
inces the constitution prevailed two to three months after its proclama
tion, in other areas the ancien regime continued to rule. For example, the
declaration of the constitution did not bring about reform in Mush. On
the contrary, the Hamidiye Regiments and the Kurdish Ashirets oppressed
the population there. Kassim Bey tyrannized the Armenians and collected
taxes from them using oppressive methods.23 The case of Mush attracted
much attention in the Armenian press.24 Another case that covered the
pages of the Armenian press was the situation in Khenus, where the
Zabtiye and the local Kurdish tribes harassed and oppressed the Armeni
ans.25
The condition of the provinces was discussed in depth in the Arme
nian National Assembly. In one of the sessions the Armenian deputy,
Krikor Zohrab, proposed that a government investigation commission
be sent to the provinces to examine the situation. It was decided that the
task of preparing a bill for the investigation commission to be presented
to the National Assembly would be given to the Assembly's Political
Council. On October 17, the bill was submitted to the Armenian National
Assembly, and Zohrab read it on behalf of the Political council. The bill
recommended that the government send an investigation commission to
the provinces, and, to this end, an official delegation headed by the
locum tenens was to pay an official visit to the Grand Vezir Karoil
23 "Sir G. Lowther to Sir Edward Grey-(Received September 7), Therapia, September
1, 1908" in "Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Movement in Turkey, 1908,"
Parliamentary Papers, 1909, p. 80.
24 In his newspaper Arvelek, Yervant Sermakeshkhanlian wrote a long editorial entitled
"Come and Help Us!: The Mush Plain is Ending." The subtitle of the article was "hunger
as a food and nakedness as a shirt." Yervant Sermakeshkhan1ian,"Ognut'ean hasek':
Mushi Dashte ge lmennay," ["Come and Help Us!: The Mush Plain is Ending"] Arevelk,
September 30,1908, #6901, p. 1. See also Dickran Varjabedian, "Mushe Sovamah"[Mush
starved] Arevelk, October 20, 1908, #6918, p. 3; Kevork Marzbeduni, "Tanjank'i Vay
ren," [From the Place of Torment] Arevelk, November 5,1908, #6932, p. 2.
25 "Bats' Namak," [An open letter] Arevelk, September 17, 1908, #6891, p. 1;
"Harstaharut'iants' Lurer Gavaren: Khenus," [News of Oppression from the Provinces:
Khenus] Arevelk, October 2, 1908, #6903, p. 3; "Gavarakan K'ronik: Aghekez Koch'
Me," Arevelk, October 7, 1908, #6907, pp. 2-3; "Bats' Namag Khenusi Gavaren," [An
open letter from the province of Khenus] Arevelk, October 22, 1908, #6920, pp. 1-2.
FORMATION OF PUBLIC SPHERE(S) 197
Pa§a.26 It also recommended that the commission consist of honorable,
honest, and liberal men of different nationalities under the authority of
a Vezir or a Mushir who had not participated in the previous regime and
who enjoyed public trust. After a long debate, a delegation was formed
and paid a visit to the Grand Vezir. The Grand Vezir Kfunil Pa§a pro
mised that the necessary steps would be taken on the issue of the prov
inces but also emphasized the fact that the government was currently
preoccupied with the issue of Rumeli.
A couple of months later, the issue of the provinces appeared on the
agenda of the Armenian National Assembly again when some deputies
inquired as to what happened to the report (takrir) that was presented to
the government. Others argued that a new memorandum should be sent
to the government. While Zohrab and Haladjian Effendis argued that the
Armenian deputies in the Ottoman Parliament were already working in
that direction and there was no need for a new report, others, like
Daghavarian Effendi, insisted that it was extremely important to formu
late a new one. Boyadjian argued that the government had too many
problems to contend with and that there was no need to burden it with a
new problem. He continued:
When the proposal of sending an investigation commission was presented
[to the government], they [the government] told us that no benefit would
come from sending investigators, when the rulers of the country were not
good people, and if the governors did not pursue the implementation of
basic reforms. Be sure that implementing the means of reform in all the
Ottoman provinces and Armenia are being thought of. Taking aU of this into
consideration, I would ask that the Armenian delegates to the Ottoman par
liament stay out of the commission that is going to be formed.27
Indeed, most of the Armenian Ottoman members of parliament in the
Armenian National Assembly were very protective of the Ottoman parlia
ment. The Assembly formed a committee to examine the necessity of
sending a commission or not. While the debates about the condition of
the provinces were taking place, the counter-revolution and the Adana
massacres occurred and became a central subject in the post-counter
revolution debates in the Assembly.
26 Ibid., p. 44; "Hayots' Patgamavomere B. Deran Mech," [The Armenian Delegates
in the Sublime Porte] Jamanag, October 5, 1908, #7, p. 2.
27 See Azgayin Endhanur Zhoghov, Nist ZhE [Session XVII], February 27, 1909,
p.257.