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In Search of Liberty: African American Internationalism in the Nineteenth-Century Atlantic World PDF

327 Pages·2021·5.977 MB·English
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In Search of Liberty Race in the Atlantic World, 1700–1900 SerieS editorS Richard S. Newman, Rochester Institute of Technology Patrick Rael, Bowdoin College Manisha Sinha, University of Connecticut AdviSory BoArd Edward Baptist, Cornell University Christopher Brown, Columbia University Vincent Carretta, University of Maryland Laurent Dubois, Duke University Erica Armstrong Dunbar, Rutgers University Douglas Egerton, LeMoyne College Leslie Harris, Northwestern University Joanne Pope Melish, University of Kentucky Sue Peabody, Washington State University, Vancouver Erik Seeman, State University of New York, Buffalo John Stauffer, Harvard University In Search of Liberty AfricAn AmericAn internA tionAliSm in the nineteenth-c entury AtlAntic World edited By Ronald Angelo Johnson and Ousmane K. Power-Greene The University of Georgia Press AthenS © 2021 by the University of Georgia Press Athens, Georgia 30602 www.ugapress.org All rights reserved Set in 10.5/13.5 Adobe Caslon Pro Regular by Kaelin Chappell Broaddus Most University of Georgia Press titles are available from popular e-book vendors. Printed digitally Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Johnson, Ronald Angelo, 1970– editor. | Power-Greene, Ousmane K., editor. Title: In search of liberty : African American internationalism in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world / edited by Ronald Angelo Johnson and Ousmane K. Power-Greene. Other titles: African American internationalism in the nineteenth-century Atlantic world Description: Athens : The University of Georgia Press, [2021] | Series: Race in the Atlantic world, 1700–1900 | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: lccn 2020055867 | iSBn 9780820360089 (hardback) | iSBn 9780820360102 (paperback) | iSBn 9780820360096 (ebook) Subjects: lcSh: African Americans—History—19th century. | African Americans—Foreign countries—History. | Free blacks—America— History—19th century. | Antislavery movements—History—19th century. | United States—Race relations—Political aspects—History— 19th century. | Internationalism—History—19th century. | African diaspora. Classification: lcc e185.18 .i525 2021 | ddc 304.8096—dc23 lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020055867 content S Prologue JAmeS SidBury vii Introduction ronAld Angelo JohnSon And ouSmAne K. PoWer-greene 1 PArt 1. North America one On the Edge of Freedom: The Reenslavement of Elizabeth Watson in Nova Scotia frAnco PAz And hArvey AmAni Whitfield 17 tWo A Scheme to Desert: The Louisiana Purchase and Freedom Seekers in the Louisiana-Texas Borderlands, 1804–1806 meKAlA AudAin 40 three Looking for Freedom in the Borderlands: U.S. Black Refugees from Slavery in Early Independent Mexico, 1821–1836 thomAS mAreite 57 PArt 2. Africa four The International Migration of South Carolinian Free People of Color, 1780–1865 lAWrence AJe 89 five Liberia as a Theater: Performance, Race-Making, and the Liberian Nationality cAree A. BAnton 112 Six The Making of a Pan-Africanist: George Henry Jackson and the Lukunga Mission in the Congo Free State mArcuS Bruce 142 PArt 3. Caribbean Seven The British Emigration Scheme and the African American Emigration Movement to the Caribbean dexter J. gABriel 165 eight A Reinterpretation of African Americans and Haitian Emigration BrAndon r. Byrd 197 nine Frederick Douglass and Debates over the Annexation of the Dominican Republic clAire BourhiS-mAriotti 224 PArt 4. Europe ten African American Women in Europe PiA WiegminK 253 eleven Black Abolitionists in Ireland and the Challenge of Universal Reform AngelA f. murPhy 279 Epilogue gerAld horne 297 Contributors 303 Prologue JAmeS SidBury Questions centering on separation and integration structure many of the ways we understand the histories of African-descended people in colo- nial British America and the United States. That is perhaps most obviously true of our attempts to make sense of the long struggle for civil rights, first for Black people’s right to recognized civic personalities and then, once that was achieved, the ongoing battle for civic equality. But if the focus on ques- tions of separation and integration emerged out of the brute presence of le- gal segregation in American history—of Jim Crow—one need not look long to find the themes of separation and integration arising elsewhere in inter- esting variations. They are integral to W. E. B. Du Bois’s meditation on the “two-ness” of “the Negro People” embodied in “an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings.” Du Bois’s impassioned plea for a society that would allow “a man to be both a Negro and an American without being cursed and spit upon by his fellows, without having the doors of opportunity closed roughly in his face” arose out of a rapidly segregating America and has remained central to our understanding of African Ameri- can history because it speaks in an idiom rooted in the turn of the twentieth century to issues that reach back into the seventeenth century and push for- ward to the twenty-first. Those issues are unavoidably both national and in- ternational, as Du Bois emphasized by beginning The Souls of Black Folk with the prescient observation, made at the dawn of the new century, that “the problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color line.”1 Du Bois’s insight has offered generations of scholars a powerful lens through which to read the rich literature on the cultures forged by enslaved and free Black people during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. That may be most obvious and controversial in the opening sentence of the first chapter of Eugene D. Genovese’s Roll, Jordan, Roll—“Cruel, unjust, exploit- ative, oppressive, slavery bound two peoples together in bitter antagonism while creating an organic relationship so complex and ambivalent that nei- ther could express the simplest human feelings without reference to the viii JAmeS SidBury other”—but scholars who reject both Roll, Jordan, Roll’s insistence on pa- ternalism and its Black nationalist interpretation of slave culture nonethe- less engage a similar dialectic of separation and integration.2 The struggle to make sense of that tension lies at the heart of the creolization scholar- ship that has been produced by followers of the theoretical model developed by Sidney Mintz and Richard Price, and it is equally at play in interpreta- tions that foreground cultural separation, including interpretations offered by those who reject creolization and insist on ways of understanding en- slaved people’s lives and communities that foreground West and West Cen- tral African cultures. For scholars working in both traditions—for scholars working in any tradition, even that associated with mid-twentieth-century Howard University sociologist E. Franklin Frazier—one of the central chal- lenges of African American history involves interpreting the contradictory impulses toward separation and integration.3 Analogous themes run through the histories of periods preceding and following Du Bois’s formulation of the trope of double consciousness. Al- most anywhere we turn—to the study of urban residential patterns, of occu- pational segmentation, of popular culture, of organized labor, or of political behavior in the twentieth century—issues of racial separation and integra- tion, of inclusion and exclusion, weave through accounts of African Ameri- can history in ways that profoundly shape understandings of American so- ciety, economy, and culture.4 The complex interplay of patterns of inclusion and exclusion is particularly heightened at this moment as we look back on eight years during which the son of a black Kenyan and a white American served as president of the United States. That obviously represents evidence of inclusion—evidence of inclusion that stunned many who believed they would die without witnessing it—but the story is anything but straightfor- ward. Despite being the first presidential candidate in two decades to win two popular majorities and only the third to do so since 1952, Barack Obama suffered unprecedented attacks on his legitimacy, attacks that helped fuel the rise of a successor who campaigned on barely disguised promises of ra- cial exclusion, promises he has kept since assuming office. Inclusion and ex- clusion, separation and integration have moved in complicated and contra- dictory directions throughout American history. The important essays in this book contribute to a new departure in Af- rican American history, but one with roots in perennial questions about American history. The move to internationalize African American history confronts what is, on the one hand, a long-standing tendency within much American historiography to separate “general” American history—the his- Prologue ix tories of high politics, of foreign relations, of ideas—from the history of “minorities.” (“Special interest” history is a term sometimes used by those hostile to such work.) In doing so, these essays connect to the deeply trans- national way that historians of race and of slavery and of African Americans have almost necessarily approached the Black experience.5 This “transna- tional tendency” begins with the coerced migration from African societies to the Americas of Black victims of the Atlantic slave trade, which serves as the empirical starting point for a wide range of interpretations of the rela- tionships among the cultures of West and West Central African societies, on the one hand, and the cultures of the enslaved in colonial British Amer- ica, on the other. It continues with the links among North American slave societies and slave societies elsewhere—especially those in the Caribbean— and with the transnational engagement of Black American activists in the abolition movement. It encompasses the related but distinct emigration and colonization movements and the ways in which Black writers looked be- yond the American nation-state when envisioning possibilities for collective progress. None of these is a new topic. None has been ignored by previous scholars. Nonetheless, as the essays in this volume illustrate, many of these ques- tions take on a different hue when their transnational qualities are seen as fundamental rather than incidental to the story. A quick and necessarily su- perficial survey of the relationship between these essays and the existing lit- erature suggests how. Black history has played a crucial but bounded role in the historiogra- phy of North America. Histories of slavery, of the enslaved, and of various forms of postbellum (white) repression and (Black) resistance to oppression are staples of American historical writing. Their very prominence in the lit- erature has, however, had an ironically segregating effect. Many historians are attracted by and write to and within the well-established subfields that comprise African American history. This can effectively distance the study of state politics, of geographical expansion through the dispossession of Na- tive peoples, of economic development, of ideas, and of foreign relations from the study of Black people. This tendency should not be overstated. One cannot study antebellum politics and continental expansion without close attention to problems tied to the existence of slavery in the South, nor do people study postbellum politics without attending to the rise of Jim Crow, the disenfranchisement of the freed people, or the rise of racially re- pressive regimes throughout and beyond the South. The study of scientific racism is central to much of intellectual history, and the American version

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