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Human agency and language (Philosophical Papers 1) PDF

302 Pages·1985·13.56 MB·English
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HUMAN AGENCY AND LANGUAGE PHILOSOPHICAL PAPERS I CHARLES TAYLOR Professor of Philosophy and Political Science McGill University, Montreal "/h,• nghr ~1 rhe u,il't'TJil!' of Cumbridgr to print and .It'll all mannn of hooA. f wa~ f!TU'll('d by 1/cnry VI//'" /.IH Tht• UnhrrJity Jta.1 prmt<·cl und publrJht·•l ( ontinuou.,fr >inre 1584. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE LONDON NEW YORK NEW ROCHELLE MELBOURNE SYDNEY Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 TRP 32 East 57th Street, New York, NY 10022, USA 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia ©Cambridge University Press 198 5 First published 1985 Printed in Great Britain at The Pitman Press, Bath Library of Congress catalogue card number: 84-16966 British Lihrary cataloguing in publication data Taylor, Charles Human agency and language.-(Philosophical papers/Charles Taylor; 1) 1. Psychology-Philosophy I. Title 150'.r BF38 ISBN o 52r 26752 8 hard covers ISBN o 521 31750 9 paperback pp CONTENTS Acknowledgements page Vll Introduction AGENCY AND THE SELF 13 What is human agency? 15 2 Self-interpreting animals 45 3 Hegel's philosophy of mind 77 4 The concept of a person 97 II PHILOSOPHY OF PSYCHOLOGY AND MIND 115 5 Peaceful coexistence in psychology 117 6 What is involved in a genetic psychology? 139 7 How is mechanism conceivable? 164 8 Cognitive psychology 187 TIT PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE 213 9 Language and human nature 215 10 Theories of meaning 248 Index 293 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I. 'What is human agency?', from T. Mischel (ed.), The Self (Oxford, Blackwell, 1977), pp. 103-3 5 · 2. 'Self-interpreting animals', September 1977, unpublished. 3· 'Hegel's philosophy of mind', from G. Fl0istad (ed.), Contenzporary Philosophy: A New Survey (The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff, 1983), vol. 4, pp. IJ3-55· An earlier version of this paper was read at the conference on Hegel and the Philosophy of Action, sponsored by the Hegel Society of Great Britain, Merton College, Oxford, September 1981. 4· 'The concept of a person', from Social Theory as Practice, The B. N. Ganguli Memorial Lectures 198 r (Delhi, Oxford University Press, r98 3 ), pp. 48-67. 5. 'Peaceful coexistence in psychology', from Social Research, 40: r (Spring 1~n3), pp. 5 5-R2. This paper was delivered as a lecture to a meeting of Section 24 of the American Psychological Association, Hawaii, 4 September 1972. 6. 'What is involved in a genetic psychology?', from T. Mischel (ed.), Cognitive Development and Epistemology (New York and London, Academic Press, 1971 ), pp. 3 9 3-416. 7· 'How is mechanism conceivable?', from Marjorie Grene (ed.), inter pretations of Life and Mind: Essays around the Problem of Reduction (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971), pp. 38-64. An earlier version of this paper, delivered at the Loyota University Centennial Celebration, October 1970, has been published in A. Karazmar and J. C. Eccles, Brain and T-luman Behavior (New York, Springer-Verlag, 1970). 8. 'Cognitive psychology'; a slightly different version appeared as 'The significance of significance: the case of cognitive psychology', in S. Mitchell and M. Rosen (eds.), The Need for Interpretation (London, Athlone Press, 1983), pp. 141-69. 9. 'Language and human nature'; this paper was delivered as the Alan B. viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Plaunt Memorial Lecture, University of Carleton, Ottowa, April 1978. A shortened version was published under the title "Theories of meaning' in Man and World, 13:3-4 (1980), pp. 281-302. 10. "Theories of meaning', Dawes Hicks lecture on philosophy, presented to the British Academy, London, 1980, and published in Proceedings of the British Academy, 66 \ 1.980), pp. 2.83-3 2. 7 \Oxford University Press). INTRODUCTION Despite the appearance of variety in the papers published in this collec tion, they are the work of a monomaniac; or perhaps better, what Isaiah Berlin has called a hedgehog. If not a single idea, then at least a single rather tightly related agenda underlines all of them. lf one had to find a name for where this agenda falls in the geography of philosophical domains, the term 'philosophical anthropology' would perhaps be best, although this term seems to make English-speaking philosophers uneasy. I started on it with a polemical concern. I wanted to argue against the understanding of human life and action implicit in an influential family of theories in the sciences of man. The common feature of this family is the ambition to model the study of man on the natural sciences. Theories of this kind seem to me to be terribly implausible. They lead to very bad science: either they end up in wordy elaborations of the obvious, or they fail altogether to address the interesting questions, or their practitioners end up squandering their talents and ingenuity in the attempt to show that they can after al1 recapture the insights of ordinary life in their manifestly reductive explanatory languages. Indeed, one could argue that the second and third pitfalls should rather be seen as the horns of a dilemma: either these inadequate theories avoid the interesting questions, or they show themselves up, and hence have to expend more and more energy defending themselves against the charge of irrelevancy. Behaviourism offers the classical example. The original popular experimental design, running rats in mazes, in fact screened out the interesting phenomena of insightful learning. Once these are put on the agenda, behaviourism enters its long decline, moving through phase after phase of special pleading. Something similar seems to be emerging with theories purporting to explain intelligent performance on a model based on the digital computer. Artificial Intelligence programs tend to do rather well on very explicitly structured tasks, like playing chess, and even more checkers, and become more and more manifestly inadequate the more they call on implicit know-how. (I have tried to draw the boundary 2 INTRODUCTION between the areas where a mechanistic psychology can be useful and those where it must fail in volume 1 chapter 5. ) What is striking about this family of theories is their reductive nature; they arc all trying to avoid recognizing some important and obtrusive aspect of human life, and purport to explain the phenomena we normally understand in terms of this aspect by other factors. Behaviourism, which was the target of my Explanation of Behaviour, 1 tried to ignore purpose and intentionality, indeed, even to side-step consciousness. Computer influenced theories ignore what I call 'significance' in volume T chapter 8, the fact that we are beings to whom things matter. The atomist theories which I discuss in volume 2 chapter I have no place for the common meanings which are embedded in our institutions and practices; they see political culture as a question of the 'orientations' of individuals. But this diversity in the aspect ignored raises the question whether my targets really form a family. The theories I want to attack take issue explicitly with each other on this matter of reduction. For instance, the theories of cognitive psychology were partly devised to cope with the manifest inadequacies of behaviourism. One of their strongest talking points was that they could cope with the phenomena of intelligence which behaviourism was committed to deny. But I think that for all the diversity of these reductionisms they form a family nonetheless. What they have in common is a certain metaphysical motivation. Defining this has been in a sense the next item on my agenda after the polemic against them. In fact the motivation is many-faceted, but one way of defining it is via the paradigm status accorded to the natural sciences as the models for the sciences of man. In a certain sense of the term, this family of theories shares an allegiance to 'naturalism', by which I mean not just the view that man can be seen as part of nature-in one sense or other this would surely be accepted by everyone-but that the nature of which he is a part is to be understood according to the canons which emerged in the seventeenth-century revolution in natural science. One of the most important of these is that we must avoid anthropocentric properties (what I call in the first section of volume 1 chapter 2 'subjec tive' properties), and give an account of things in absolute terms. 'Anthropocentric' properties are those which things have only within the experience of agents of a certain kind - the classical example in the seventeenth-century discussion are the 'secondary' qualities; while 'absolute' properties (I borrow the term from Bernard Williams in his 1 London and New York, 1964. INTRODUCTION 3 Descartes)2 are supposedly free of any such relativity. This requirement can be more or less stringently interpreted and can be applied at different levels, which accounts, I believe, for the variety of reductionist views, but it underlies all of them. But naturalism is more than a view about the language of science. It ramifies also into an understanding of agency. This too can be described first negatively, in terms of what its reductionist temper ignores. What it fails to recognize is a crucial feature of our ordinary understanding of human agency, of a person or self. One way of getting at this feature is in terms of the notion of self interpretation. A fully competent human agent not only has some under standing (which may be also more or less misunderstanding) of himself, but is partly constituted by this understanding. This is a thesis of post Heideggerian hermeneutics, which I have tried to develop in a number of papers (especially volume 1 chapter 1 and volume 2 chapter I). But it still does not capture the crucial point. This is that our self-understanding essentially incorporates our seeing ourselves against a background of what I have called 'strong evaluation'. I mean by that a background of distinctions between things which are recognized as of categoric or un conditioned or higher importance or worth, and things which lack this or are of lesser value. I discuss what is involved in this kind of distinction in volume I chapters T and 2. ln other terms, to be a full human agent, to be a person or a self in the ordinary meaning, is to exist in a space defined by distinctions of worth. A self is a being for whom certain questions of categoric value have arisen, and received at least partial answers. Perhaps these have been given authoritatively by the culture more than they have been elaborated in the deliberation of the person concerned, but they are his in the sense that they are incorporated into his self-understanding, in some degree and fashion. My claim is that this is not just a contingent fact about human agents, but is essential to what we would understand and recognize as full, normal human agency. But if this is so, then the programme of naturalism as I define it above is severely limited in principle. For there can be no absolute understanding of what we are as persons, and this in two obvious respects. A being who exists only in self-interpretation cannot be understood absolutely; and one who can only be understood against the background of distinctions of worth cannot be captured by a scientific language which essentially 2 Harrnohdsworth, L~;178.

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Charles Taylor has been one of the most original and influential figures in contemporary philosophy: his 'philosophical anthropology' spans an unusually wide range of theoretical interests and draws creatively on both Anglo-American and Continental traditions in philosophy. A selection of his publis
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