HOW PEOPLE CHANGE INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THERAPY THE PLENUM SERIES IN SOCIAL I CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY Series Editor: C. R. Snyder University of Kansas Lawrence, Kansas HOW PEOPLE CHANGE Inside and Outside Therapy Edited by Rebecca C. Curtis and George Stricker SELF-DEFEATING BEHAVIORS Experimental Research, Clinical Impressions, and Practical Implications Edited by Rebecca C. Curtis SELF-HANDICAPPING The Paradox That Isn't Raymond L. Higgins, C. R. Snyder, and Steven Berglas A Continuation Order Plan is available for this series. A continuation order will bring delivery of each new volume immediately upon publication. Volumes are billed only upon actual shipment. For further information please contact the publisher. HOW PEOPLE CHANGE INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THERAPY EDITED BY REBECCA C. CURTIS AND GEORGE STRICKER Derner Institute of Advanced Psychological Studies Adelphi University Garden City, New York SPRINGER SCIENCE+BUSINESS MEDIA. LLC Llbrary of Congrass Catalogtng-tn-Publtcatton Data How people change : inside and outside therapy I edited by Rebecca c. Curtis and George Stricker. p. Cl. -- <The Plenum serles ln soclal/cllnlcal psychologyl Includes blbliographlcal references and Index. ISBN 978-1-4899-0743-1 ISBN 978-1-4899-0741-7 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-4899-0741-7 1. Behavlor therapy. 2. Change <Psychology) I. Curtls, Rebecca C. II. Stricker, George. [DNLM: 1. Behavior Therapy. 2. Personallty. 3. Psychology, Cllnlcal. HM 425 H847) RC489.B4H62 1991 616.89'142--dc20 DNLM/DLC for Llbrary of Congress 91-2691 CIP ISBN 978-1-4899-0743-1 © 1991 Springer Science+Business Media New York Originally published by Plenum Press, New York in 1991 Softcoverreprint ofthe hardcover1st edition 1991 All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, rnicrofilming, recording, or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher To all of those who have taught us how people change, especially our patients and clients CONTRIBUTORS ELLIOT ARONSON, Stevenson College, University of California, Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, California 95065 BARBARA BENEDICT BUNKER, Department of Psychology, State Univer sity of New York at Buffalo, New York 14260 SHEILA M. COONERTY, Department of Psychology, Long Island Univer sity, Forest Hills, New York 11375 ALLAN COOPER, William Alanson White Institute, New York, New York 10023 JOEL COOPER, Department of Psychology, Princeton University, Prince ton, New Jersey 08544 REBECCA CURTIS, Derner Institute of Advanced Psychological Studies, Adelphi University, Garden City, New York 11530 JACQUELINE J. DELISLE, Department of Psychology, State University of New York at Buffalo, New York 14260 MARVIN R. GOLDFRIED, Department of Psychology, State University of New York, Stony Brook, New York 11794 LESLIE S. GREENBERG, Department of Psychology, York University, North York, Ontario M3J 1P3, Canada DIANA ADILE KIRSCHNER, Private Practice, Gwynedd Valley, Pennsyl vania 19437 SAM KIRSCHNER, Private Practice, Gwynedd Valley, Pennsylvania 19437 OTTO KLINEBERG, Professor Emeritus, Department of Psychology, Columbia University, New York, New York 10022 LEIGH MCCULLOUGH, Department of Psychology in Psychiatry, Univer sity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104 vii viii CONTRIBUTORS ESTHER MENAKER, New York University Postdoctoral Program, New York, New York 10003 RENE H. RHODES, Program in Clinical Psychology, Teachers College, New York, New York 10022 CAROL M. RUBIN, Private Practice, 20 Claremont Street, Newton, Mas sachusetts 02158 JEFFREY Z. RUBIN, Department of Psychology, Tufts University, Med ford, Massachusetts 02155 GEORGE STRICKER, Derner Institute of Advanced Psychological Studies, Adelphi University, Garden City, New York 11530 PAUL L. WACHTEL, Department of Psychology, City College of New York, New York, New York 10031 PREFACE In the myth of Daphne and Apollo, Cupid fired two arrows: one causing flight from love, the other passionate attraction. Cupid aimed his first arrow at Daphne, a beautiful nymph who loved her freedom; the next struck Apollo, who lusted after Daphne. Daphne, frightened and intent upon virginity, fled Apollo but was unable to run fast enough. When her strength was almost gone, she sought protection in the familiar waters of her father's river. He answered her prayers: Her hair became leaves, and her feet, roots growing into the ground; she was transformed into a laurel tree. Apollo, kissing the sprouting bark, pledged to honor Daphne by placing a laurel wreath on the head of every hero who won a victory. Unable to evade the consequences of the arrow that wounded her, Daphne called upon the river, the creative power of both nature and time-a symbol of fertility, but also of oblivion-to help her survive when her strength was gone. Daphne's inner triumph in the face of injury is an appropriate sym bol for the types of transformation witnessed by psychologists. In his book on symbols, Circlot (1962, p. 173) writes that the crowning of the poet, artist, or conqueror with laurel leaves "presupposes a series of inner victories over the negative and dissipative influence of the basest forces." Further, the tree "denotes the life of the cosmos: its consistence, growth, proliferation, generative, and regenerative processes" (Circlot, 1962, p. 328). As I reflected upon the contributions to this volume, the image of Daphne's transformation into a laurel tree came frequently to mind. Although the changes that occur in Greek and Roman myths are some times violent and rapid, the psychological significance of these "truths of fiction," as Horace Gregory (1958, p. xii) tells us in his introduction to The Metamorphoses, is "more convincing than any document or 'case history' can hope to be." Sometimes it is impossible for people in the real ix X PREFACE world to make changes in their actual life circumstances. Like Daphne, when the obstacles people are facing are assessed and the brute power and cruelty of others are experienced, the most that people can hope to change is their perception of their situation and/or themselves. Hearing the life stories of patients, I have often tried to imagine how I would have endured the series of abuses that patients had described. I have also wondered how change might take place so that in many of these cases a patient would not try to commit suicide again soon after leaving the hospital. Very rapid transformations are required in such circumstances if patients are to avoid long-term hospitalization. And although the metamorphoses of these people, when they occur, are less dramatic than those in fiction, their extremes of passion are not-for these people are ready to die if their desires remain so unfulfilled. As a clinician with a background in social psychology, certain ques tions inevitably arose when I became engaged in psychotherapy. For example, are there any commonalities between theories of individual change and theories of social change? Or, even more specifically, what are the similarities and differences among theories of individual change in naturally occurring settings and theories of individual change in therapy? With questions such as these in mind, a conference entitled "How People Change: Inside and Outside Therapy'' was organized and held at Adelphi University on October 1, 1988. The introduction by Curtis and the chapters by Aronson, Goldfried, the Kirschners, Klineberg, Men aker, Stricker, and Wachtel are based upon presentations at that confer ence. Morton Deutsch, Harvey Horstein, and Hans Strupp also spoke there, with the Strupp paper published in Journal of Cognitive Psycho therapy and Research: An International Quarterly. Hopefully, the ideas of the contributors will be of use to both scien tists and practitioners. And knowing that political and social changes affect the lives of many much more quickly and dramatically than does individual psychotherapy, it is hoped that these ideas will be of use as psychologists and other change agents attempt to help themselves and others make interventions which will lead to a less destructive world. Sometimes change seems so difficult that many of us believe any efforts to make large-scale changes will be wasted. It is difficult, how ever, to envision how a society can cope when at least 18% (Brazelton, 1990) to 43% (Blakeslee, 1990) of the babies born in major cities have suffered the effects of substance abuse in utero and are possibly neuro logically damaged for life. It is important, of course, not to make recom mendations with insufficient knowledge, but it is irresponsible for social scientists not to communicate that we know much more about
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