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The Power of Asking: How Communication Affects Selfishness, Empathy, and Altruism∗ JamesAndreoni1 JustinM.Rao2 1DepartmentofEconomics,UniversityofCalifornia,SanDiegoandNBER 2Yahoo! ResearchLabs,SantaClara,CA September9,2010 Abstract Tounderstandthe“pure”incentivesofaltruism,economiclaboratoryresearchonhumansalmostal- waysforbidscommunicationbetweensubjects. Inreality,however,altruismusuallyrequiresinteraction betweengiversandreceivers,whichclearlymustinfluencechoices. Charities,forexample,speakofthe “power of asking.” Indeed, evolutionary theories of altruism are built on human sociality. We experi- mentallyexaminecommunicationinwhichonesubjectallocates$10betweenherselfandareceiver,and systematicallyalteredwhointhepaircouldspeak. Wefoundthatanytimetherecipientspoke, giving increased–askingispowerful. Butwhenonlyallocatorscouldspeak,choicesweresignificantlymore selfishthananyothercondition. Whenempathywasheightenedbyputtingallocators“inthereceivers shoes,” altruism appeared as if recipients had been able to ask, even when they were silent. We con- clude that communication dramatically influences altruistic behavior, and appears to largely work by heighteningempathy. ∗WewouldliketothanksBenCowanandMeganRitzforresearchassistance,SusanHenning,WilliamHarbaugh,ZackGross- manandtwoanonymousrefereesforusefulcommentsandtheNationalScienceFoundationforfunding. 1 1 Introduction Laboratory experiments on altruism have almost exclusively studied subjects in isolation from social interactioninordertoprotectanonymityandidentify“pure”incentivestogive. Yetintherealworldgiving occursinthecontextofasocialinteractionbetweengiverandreceiverandtheincentivestogiveareaffected bythesocialfactorssurroundingthisinteraction. Acommonfindingisthatmostsubjectsexhibitsignificant altruism and inequity aversion (Fehr and Schmidt, 1999; Bolton and Ockenfels, 2000). Recent work has linked these preferences to brain activity (in areas associated with rewards) arguing in favor of “hardwired egalitarianism”(Tricomietal.,2010). However,intheUnitedStatesandotherindustrializedcountriesthere is vast inequality in consumption, while charitable giving is only 1-2% of income (Andreoni, 2006). How can we reconcile a taste for equality with behavior that indicates people generally tolerate a great deal of inequalityintheirdailylives? Inthispaperwearguethatwhilehumansdohaveastrongcapacitytobehave altruistically, selfishness typically predominates. Furthermore, social cues have evolved so that altruism is not expressed indiscriminately, but rather is likely to be expressed when it is instrumental in serving other selfish(orimperfectlyaltruistic)ends. To test this hypothesis, we use a subtle manipulation of a single social factor: verbal communication. Communication is a natural social cue because it forms the backbone of the interaction between giver and receiver. Indeedaleadingtheoryontheoriginsofverbalcommunicationisthatitaroseoutofgesturalcom- municationtofacilitatemutuallybeneficialcoordinativeacts(Grice,1957;Tomasello,2008). Furthermore, verbal communication typically entails recursive belief formation about the subject matter and language conventions. In Experiment 1 of our study, we used the Dictator Game (DG) and systematically altered whointhepair(one,bothandtheorder)couldsendamessage. Wefindthatintheconditioninwhichonly the allocator could speak, only 6% of the endowment was donated, which was significantly lower than the no-communicationbaselineof15%. Thisistheconditioninwhichrolesweremostasymmetricinthesocial interaction. In stark contrast, anytime the recipient spoke, at least 24% of the endowment was passed — asking is indeed powerful. Interestingly, giving was highest in the conditions that involved two-way com- munication. Intheseconditions30%oftheendowmentwaspassedonaverage,evenwhentheallocatorwas firsttospeak. Tohelpunderstandverbalexpressionandmotivations,third-partyreviewersperformedtextualanalysis. We find that content of the messages from allocators significantly depended on the presence of an “ask.” For instance, fairness was significantly more likely to be spoken about in the presence of an ask, whereas luckwassignificantlylesslikely. Interestingly,thecontentdidnotdifferbasedonwhethertheallocatorwas responding directly to an ask, or sending a message knowing they would receive a reply before they made theirfinalallocationdecision. Inthelatterconditionallocatorsdidagoodjobof“anticipatingtheask”(the modal ask focused on fairness and equal division) and tailored their message appropriately. Conversely, in theone-waycommunicationconditioninwhichonlyallocatorsspoke,messageswereone-sixthaslikelyto mentionfairnessandtypicallyofferedanapology. The results of Experiment 1 are stark. When only the allocator could speak, he typically was very selfish and issued a hollow apology, but the apologetic “blocking mechanism” was not employed in the 2 presence of an ask; in this case allocators’ messages displayed more of an understanding of the other’s position. Thisfinding,alongwithrecentfindingsintheneuroeconomicsliteraturelinkingareasofthebrain associatedwithcommunicationandsocialcontextswithempathicconcern(DeVignemontandSinger,2006; Decety and Jackson, 2006; Moll et al., 2006; Hare et al., 2010) led us to hypothesize that communication fromarecipientfacilitatesaltruismthroughfeelingsofempathy. InExperiment2empathywasheightened by putting allocators “in the receivers shoes.” Experiment 2 used modified version of the two conditions involving one-way communication in Experiment 1. Before roles were determined, all subjects filled out a decision form for each role. Then roles were randomly determined and unused decision forms were set aside. Intheconditioninwhichonlytheallocatorcouldspeak,theallocationsandverbalcontentappeared asifrecipientshadbeenabletoask. Makingchoicesfromthepositionofbothrolesandbeingsubjectedto averbalrequestledtonearlyidenticalpassdistributions. Ourinterpretationisthataskingleadstheallocator the actively consider and identify with the role of the recipient; we call this feeling “empathy.”1 However, there are limits in terms of the associated effects on giving. In both experiments, requests for more than equaldivision(“selfishrequests”)leadtoaveragepasslevelssignificantlybelowthebaseline.2 There is considerable evidence that feelings of empathy are strongly connected to altruistic and pro- social behavior (Batson et al., 1988; Batson, 2002; De Vignemont and Singer, 2006; Preston and de Waal, 2002). The “empathy-altruism hypothesis” posits that feelings of empathy are the primary explanation for altruistic acts for which the agent does not expect to receive compensating material benefits through reci- procityortheabsenceofsanctions. Laboratoryexperimentshavefoundthataltruisticbehaviorispromoted through the reduction of social distance (Roth, 1995; Hoffman et al., 1996; Bohnet and Frey, 1999) and makingpotentialvictimsofselfishnessmoreidentifiable(Schelling,1968;SmallandLoewenstein,2003).3 However, recent work has argued that selfish concerns such as guilt aversion (Charness and Dufwenberg, 2006;BattigalliandDufwenberg,2007)andself-imagemaintenancethroughself-signaling(BodnerandPr- elec,2003)andself-deception(Danaetal.,2007)canhelpexplainseeminglyaltruisticbehavior. Although theideahasnotreceivedexplicitattentionintheliterature,itindeeditmaybethecasethatempathyoperates through these channels. For example, it may raise the cost of self-deception.4 In Section 4 we discuss this possibility. Given the economic and social importance of altruistic behavior, several theories have been proposed to explain the origins and evolution of altruism and cooperation in humans. Leading theories include kin selection (Hamilton, 1964), reciprocity (Nowak and Sigmund, 2005; Trivers, 1971) and norm adherence through sanctions (Gurerk et al., 2006; Fehr and Ga¨chter, 2002; De Quervain et al., 2004). These theories provide a sound theoretical backbone for the existence of altruistic behavior in the human psychological composition and can help explain why people are often generous in situations in which the conditions of the theories are not met (e.g. acts of altruism towards non-kin, in the absence of reciprocity/sanctions or 1Inaformalmodel,onecoulddefineempathyasinverselyproportionaltothevarianceofone’sbeliefaboutanother’sexpecta- tions. 2Rankin(2006)alsofindsthisresultfornumericalrequests. 3Laboratoryworkhasalsodemonstratedthataltruismcanbeelicitedthroughself-interestrelatedchannels. Examplesinclude monetary rewards/punishment (Gurerk et al., 2006; Fehr and Fischbacher, 2003), emotion-based rewards/punishment (Masclet etal.,2003)andappealingtosubjects’desiretomaintainapositivesocialimage(AndreoniandBernheim,2009). 4Wethankarefereeandeditorforthishelpfulsuggestion. 3 one-timegiftstostrangers). However,theyrelyintwoimportantwaysonthefactthathumansareasocial species. First, the social nature of human interaction allows for the underlying theoretical mechanisms to function (for instance communication allows for reputation building and reciprocity). Tomasello (2008) shows that the differences in altruism between great apes (which exhibit effectively no pure altruism) and humans can be be linked to humans’ advanced social capacities such as verbal communication. Secondly, the theories rely on humans to respond to social cues so that they are not indiscriminately altruistic and henceperishquickly. Neuroimaging studies provide support for both points. The evidence indicates that the human brain is wired so that the decision processes underlying altruistic behavior and socialization are strongly linked (Harbaughetal.,2007;Molletal.,2006;Hareetal.,2001). Inadditiontotheneuralevidence,thereasoning underlyingourargumentthatcommunicationaffectsempathyandelicitsaltruismrestsonauniquefeature ofhumancommunicationknownas“recursivemindreading”or“roleimitationreversal”(Hareetal.,2001; Akhtar et al., 1996). That is, in any dyad, person 1’s communicative acts depend critically on 1’s beliefs concerning person 2’s beliefs and 2s beliefs about 1s beliefs, and so on. In economics, this is the familiar notion of iterative belief formation, which underlies game theoretic solution concepts.5 This recursively structured belief formation helps establish the “joint attentional frame” necessary for effective, high level communication(Clark,1992). InExperiment1,communicationfromrecipients,regardlessoftheorderofwhospoke,ledtoa“conver- sation”morelikelytobecenteredaroundfairnessandmoregenerousbehavior. Thisissurprisinginthatthe contentofrequestsisquitepredictable;onewouldpresumablyexpectamessagecenteraroundfairnessand a numerical request for equal division and this is exactly the modal message. Despite the predictability of therequest,allocatorsintheconditioninwhichonlytheygottospeakbehavedmoreselfishlythanthebase- lineandsentmessagescenteredaroundluckorapology—“askingfortheobvious”matters. Experiment2 indicatesthatitmattersthroughtheelicitationofempathyassociatedwiththebeliefformationnecessaryfor communication. Inthediscussionsectionweexplorethepossibilitythatempathyaffectsbehaviorthrough self-interestedchannelssuchasguiltaversionandself-deception. The remainder of the paper proceeds as follows: Section 2 presents the experimental design, Section 3 providestheresults,Section4containsadiscussionandSection5concludes. 2 Experimental Design In order to test our hypothesis that verbal communication has evolved to mediate the expression of altruism,wemanipulatedthecommunicationavailabletosubjectsplayingamodifiedversionofthedictator game(DG).TheDGisregardedasthestandarddecisiontasktostudyaltruisminexperimentaleconomics (Forsytheetal., 1994; AndreoniandMiller, 2002). Inthebaselineversionofthegame, twosubjectsshare 100moneyunits(MUs). MUsarealwaysworth$0.10toallsubjects. Onesubjectisrandomlyassignedthe roleofallocatorandtheotherisassignedtheroleofreceiver. Theallocatorinitiallyholdsall100MUsand 5Infact,behavioralmodelsofboundedrationality,suchaslevel-kthinking,arriveatnewequilibriabylimitingthenumberof iterativesteps,seeforinstanceCrawfordandIriberri(2007). 4 Figure1: Decisionforminwhichtherecipientfirstsentrequest(AskorAskthenExplain) makes the decision of how many MUs pass to the receiver, without communication between subjects. The allocator’sdecisionisfinalandcompletelydeterminesmonetarypayoffs. We conducted two experiments building on the baseline DG without communication. Experiment 1 included238subjectswhoplayedtworoundsoftheDGwithdifferentanonymouspartners. Rolesremained constantacrossrounds. InadditiontothebaselineDGwerefourconditionsthatallowedsubjects,tovarying degrees, tocommunicate via writtenverbal and numericalmessages. Communication wasalways optional andfreeform. In condition “Ask”’ (A), the receiver wrote a verbal message along with a numerical “pass request,” which the allocator read before making the pass decision. After the allocator made the pass decision the receiver was informed of the payoffs for the game. In “Explain” (E), the allocator sent a written verbal message along with the pass decision, however the receiver stayed silent. In “Ask then Explain” (AE), the receiver first sent a verbal message and numerical request and then the allocator recorded the pass choice accompaniedbyaverbalreplymessage. In“ExplainthenAsk”(EA)theallocatorfirstsentaverbalmessage alongwitha“non-bindingallocation,”thereceiverthenrespondedwithaverbalandnumericalrequest,after whichtheallocatordeterminedfinalpayoffs. Thebreakdownofsubjectsacrossconditionwas: Baseline40, A40,E40,AE80andEA38. Thesubjectswerenotgivenanysuggestionsregardingthecontentofthemessages;theonlyrestriction prohibited the inclusion of identifying information or promises external to the laboratory. Anonymity was maintainedinordertoidentifytheeffectofcommunicationwithoutconfoundingfactors,suchasreputation outsideoftheexperiment, whichareknowntoinfluencebehaviorintheDG(Roth, 1995). Allinstructions areavailableintheappendix. Figure1providesanexampledecisionform. Our secondary hypothesis is that communication from the recipient leads the allocator to consider the recipient’s position more fully and this empathic consideration induces altruistic behavior. To directly test 5 this hypothesis, Experiment 2 used augmented versions of A and E in which feelings of empathy were intentionally heightened. Before roles were determined, all subjects filled out decision forms for the first stage of both the A and E versions of the DG. One form (E) placed the subject in the role of allocator and theother(A)theroleofreceiver. Foreachversion,thesubjectswereassigneddifferentcounterpartsandwe madethiscleartothesubjectsintheinstructions. Theintentwastoleadthesubjectsto“putthemselvesin theother’sshoes,”whilemaintainingone-waycommunication. AftertheStage1decisionsweremade,role were randomly determined and we set aside the A forms from allocators and E forms from receivers. The remaining forms were then used to determine monetary payoffs. 40 subjects played a single round in this manner. Itisimportanttonotethatdespitefillingoutdecisionsforeachrole, eachsubjectplayedonlyone role,whichalwaysinvolvedone-waycommunication. 3 Results Experiment1Results Figure2presentsmeanamountspassedinExperiment1(panelA)andthefractionofallpassamounts equaltozeroandtoequaldivisionontheright(panelB).Theevidenceisclear. Boththeexistenceandstruc- ture of communication significantly influenced allocators’ expressed altruism. In the no-communication baseline, allocators passed an average of 15.3 MUs. In E, allocators gave significantly less than the base- line (Wilcoxon rank-sum z = −2.73, p < 0.006), chose fewer equal divisions (t = −2.33, p < 0.025, two-tailedt-test, standarderrorsclusteredbysubject)andmorezeros(p < 0.007). Conversely, inthetwo- way communication conditions (AE, EA) allocators’ transfer greatly exceeded the baseline (AE: z = 3.29, p < 0.001,EA:z = 2.04,p < 0.041). GivinginAwashigherthanthebaselineandthedifferencebecomes significant when we only consider requests for an even division or less (z = 1.965, p < 0.049). A full comparisonofconditionsisgiveninAppendixTable2. In the conditions in which allocators “spoke” first, giving was very much a function of whether the communication was one-way (E) or two-way (AE, EA). Passes were on average over four and half times higher in EA than in E (EA mean= 27.0, E mean= 6.5; z = 4.28, p < 0.0001), while equal division was tentimesmorelikely(t = 3.69,p < 0.0004). Infact,themeanofthenon-bindingallocationfromthefirst roundofcommunicationinEAwas25.8,farexceedingthemeanpassinE(z = 4.41,p < 0.0001).6 Table 1 examines whether the content of subjects’ written communication was associated with pass behavior. Each message was evaluated for content by seven undergraduate reviewers (gender balanced to match the subject pool) who had no prior knowledge of the study. The communication items are intended tocapturethebasiccontentofamessage. Amessagecanfallintomorethanonecategory,ornoneatall. In amajorityofcases, revieweropinionwasunanimous. Intheremainingcases, theaverageratingwasused. Theinstructionstoreviewersarecontainedintheappendix. ThestatisticaltestsinTable1comparecommunicationinthetwo-wayconditionstotheirone-waycoun- terpart. Overall,allocatorcommunicationvariedinwaysconsistentwiththeexpressedaltruism. Allocators 6Although the meansof the non-binding and finalallocation in EA are not significantlydifferent from each other, there isa significantmajorityofsubjectsshadedslightlyup. 6 Figure 2: (A) Means of pass value by Experiment 1 condition: Baseline (no communication), A (ask by recipients), E (explain by givers), AE (ask then explain), EA (explain then ask). (B) Fraction of equal divisions and pass = 0 by condition of Experiment 1. The allocator determined the final allocation of 100 MUs between themselves and an anonymous partner (the receiver) by “passing” any value between 0 and 100MUs. Barsgive+/−2s.e. in EA and AE were more likely to express fairness and less likely to express remorse than allocators in E. These differences are large in magnitude and highly significant. Receivers’ written messages (requests) variedbyconditionaswell,whilethenumericalrequestdidnot. Receiversweresignificantlylesslikelyto communicate flattery and acknowledge the allocator’s power in the two-way conditions. These differences are most likely due to the more balanced nature of two-way communication. Unsurprisingly, the modal request in all conditions expressed fairness and called for an equal division. Also, the likelihood of using verbalcommunicationatallwassignificantlyhigherinthetwo-wayconditions. Acrossconditions,allocatorswhoexpressedfairnessbehavedfarmorealtruistically(n = 48,meanpass = 40.21) than those who did not (n = 110, mean = 16.04, t = 7.20, p < 0.000). Conversely, remorse was associated with far lower pass values (n = 45, mean = 10.42, vs. n = 45, mean = 28.54, t = 4.93, p < 0.000). Conditional on the numerical request, the content of the request, as measured through the communicationcategoriespresentedinTable1,didnotsignificantlyaffectallocatorbehavior. Thequantile regressionusedtosupportthisconclusioniscontainedintheappendix. Theestimatedcoefficientonfairness waswellwithinastandarderrorofzero(coeff. −3.83,t = 0.32,p < 0.75);therewassufficientvariationto estimatethiscoefficientas61.6%ofsubjectsrequestinganequaldivisionmentionedfairness.7 Noneofthe othercategoriesapproachedstandardsignificancelevelsasallwerewellwithinonestandarderrorofzero. Perhapsparadoxically,thewordsthemselvesinrequestsdonotappeartodirectlyaffectallocatorbehavior, buttheexistenceofarequestmatterstremendously.8 7Includingatermforfairnessinteractedwiththeleveloftherequestyieldsacoefficientestimationof0.81,notsignificantly differentfrom0. 8Rankin(2006)findsthatnumericalrequestsincreasepassesinananonymousDG,butactuallyreducepasseswhentheinter- 7 Table1: CommunicationContentbyConditionofExperiment1 Condition A E AE EA FractionofExplainMessagesContaining: Remorse 0.39 0.14∗∗∗ 0.05∗∗∗ Fairness 0.03 0.23∗∗∗ 0.13∗ Need 0.13 0.06 0.04∗ Luck 0.07 0.06 0.05 You’ddoittoo 0.08 0.02 0.00∗ Nowords 0.18 0.05∗∗ 0.00∗∗∗ Non-bindingallocationinExplain-Ask 25.8 FractionofAskMessagesContaining: Fairness 0.45 0.53 0.34 FriendlyGreeting 0.23 0.16* 0.17 Flattery 0.28 0.08∗∗∗ 0.06∗∗∗ AcknowledgePower 0.26 0.20 0.09∗∗∗ Need 0.19 0.14 0.12 Nowords 0.10 0.03∗ 0.00∗∗ NumericalRequestinAsk 50.4 49.8 45.9 ∗∗∗p<0.01,∗p<0.1indicatetwo-tailedsignificanceascomparedto one-waycommunicationgivenbyatwo-tailedt-test Figure 3: Bars: Frequency of pass requests (right axis), Line: L.A.D. fitted pass values as a function of numericalrequest(leftaxis),Diamonds: Meanpassvaluesforrelativelyfrequentrequests(leftaxis) 8 Table2: DoYouGetWhatYouAskFor? RequestCategory r < 40 40 ≤ r ≤ 45 r = 50 r > 50 Probabilityofpass< r 0.50 0.74 0.58 0.95∗∗∗ Meanpass 5.0 16.5 18.4 11.4 Probabilityofpass= r 0.13∗∗ 0.15∗∗ 0.39 0.05∗∗∗ Meanpass 15.0 40.0 50.0 80.0 Probabilityofpass> r 0.38∗∗∗ 0.11 0.03 0.00 Meanpass 47.5 50.0 85.0 n/a %ofRequests 10.2% 17.3% 59.0% 13.5% AggregateMean 22.19* 23.7** 32.9 14.7∗∗∗ ∗∗∗p<.01,∗∗p<.05,∗p<.10two-tailedsignificance ascomparedtor=50,givenbyat-test Numerical request had a significant effect (coeff. 1.00, t = 3.76, p < 0.000), but asking for more than equal division was costly (coeff. −1.25, t = −3.02, p < 0.001). Table 2 shows why this is the case and the result is illustrated graphically in Figure 3. Subjects rarely got more than they asked for, with the exception being requests for quite low amounts and these requests comprise only 10.2% of all requests. Across conditions, 15% of requests for 40 were granted and 11% were exceeded. Of these passes that exceeded 40, the mean was 50. In contrast, 39% of requests for 50 were granted. The difference 39% vs. 11% of subjects receiving 50 across these two requests is highly significant (t = 2.79, p < 0.006) – asking is indeed powerful. However, asking for more than an equal division was detrimental; only 5% of such requests were granted and none were exceeded. The mean pass for these “selfish requests” was less than half of the mean for the modal request of equal division and less than the mean in the baseline no-communicationcondition. Experiment2Results: EmpathyasaProximateFactor The patterns of communication content (Table 1) provide evidence that the positive effect of two-way communicationonaltruisticbehaviorismediatedbyfeelingsofempathy.9 Experiment2teststhishypoth- esis directly by using one-way communication and intentionally heightening feelings of empathy towards one’s partner (and this is common knowledge). Fig. 4A presents mean pass by condition of Experiment 2. The mean pass of “E with empathy” (E(e)) was 21.7, which is significantly higher than E (z = 4.03, p < 0.0001). The mean pass of “A with empathy” (A(e)), was 27.6, which was greater than A, although actionisface-to-face.Hearguesthattherequestscancrowd-outpro-socialmotivationpresentintheface-to-facetreatment.Inour experiment,itispossiblethatmentioningthenumericalrequestscrowdedoutthecontentofverbalcommunication. 9Notethatweonlyclaimingthisaltruisticbehavior,notaltruism. Thisleavesopenthepossibilitythatalthoughempathyisa proximatefactor,itismediatedthroughselfishchannels,suchasself-deceptionorguiltaversion.WeaddressthesepointsinSection 4. 9 Figure 4: (A) Means of pass value by Experiment 2 condition: A(e) (A with experimentally heightened empathy) and E(e) (E with experimentally heightened empathy). (B) Fraction of equal divisions and pass = 0inconditionsinwhichallocators“spoke”first. (C)Pooledcomparisonofthetwo-waycommunication in Experiment 1 and the “empathy” conditions of Experiment 2. Statistical tests given in Tables 1 and 3 fail to reject equality in distribution of pass value in AE and EA of Experiment 1 and A(e) and E(e) in Experiment2. Barsgive+/−2s.e. not significantly (z = 0.79, p < 0.42) and very close to the generous behavior observed in the two-way conditions of Experiment 1 (EA = 27.0, AE = 30.2). As hypothesized, the selfish behavior exhibited in E waseliminatedwiththeheightenedempathy,justasitwaswiththeexistenceofasubsequentrequestinEA. This is shown in Fig. 4B, which compares the fraction of equal divisions and zeros in all the conditions in whichallocatorsspokefirst. Subjects exhibited significantly more generosity in both Experiment 2 conditions as compared to the baselineinExperiment1,regardlessofthefacttheybothinvolvedone-waycommunication(A(e)z = 1.85, p < .032; E(e) z = 1.45, p < 0.073 one-tailed t-test).10 Most interestingly, the distribution of choices in theempathy-inducingconditionsinExperiment2werenearlyidenticaltothetruetwo-waycommunication conditionsofExperiment1. ThisisdisplayedgraphicallyinFig. 4C,whichcomparesthepooleddistribution ofEA&AEtoE(e)&A(e)(withineachpooltheconditionsarenotsignificantlydifferentfromeachother). Thedistributionsarevirtuallyidentical. 10We use a one-tailed test here due to the bulk of evidence from the psychology literature that empathy increases observed generosity. 10

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associated with communication and social contexts with empathic concern (De Vignemont and Singer, 2006;. Decety and Jackson underlying our argument that communication affects empathy and elicits altruism rests on a unique feature of human .. Econometrica, 75(6):1721–1770. Dana, J., Cain
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